COSATU Media Monitor, 10 December 2009

The body of the second employee trapped underground at the Driefontein gold mine near Carletonville has been found, Gold Fields said on Thursday.

The body of the first employee was recovered on Monday, the company said.

The deaths follow a seismic event at the mine's number four shaft on Sunday.

"Gold Fields deeply regrets the accidents and offers condolences to the families of the deceased." - Sapa

1.2 Cosatu backs ILO warning to retain state aid to firms
HOPEWELL RADEBE, Business Day, 10 December 2009

THE Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) says it has been vindicated by an International Labour Organisation (ILO) research report that cautions governments not to quickly abandon support measures adopted in response to the global economic crisis.

The labour federation declared yesterday that it totally agreed with the ILO report, which supported its long-held view that the reluctance of the government to intervene and keep companies afloat until the crisis was over would have “serious consequences on the retention and creation of decent jobs”.

Cosatu spokesman Patrick Craven was responding to the ILO’s World of Work Report 2009: The Global Jobs Crisis and Beyond, submitted to the United Nations on Tuesday, which warned against withdrawing the stimulus packages meant to counteract the crisis.

The report said such a move could “throw 40-million more people worldwide on to welfare due to consequences of unemployment”.

Said Craven: “We agree with Raymond Torres, director of the ILO’s International Institute for Labour Studies and lead author of the report, when he says that ‘the global jobs crisis is not over’.”

Standard Bank economist Danalee van Dyk said that all the factors that had so far contributed to the bottoming out of the global economic crisis, locally and internationally, had been temporary.

In SA it had been the domestic fundamentals including the country’s monetary stimuli and some government initiatives that had helped to stabilise the economy.

Van Dyk said the initiatives needed to “remain in place up to the time when the economy is able to sustain positive growth”. She said their removal would expose a weak economy that was not yet able to create new employment.

Craven said Cosatu’s central executive committee had cautioned last month against the country being “overly optimistic about the new Stats SA data on GDP for the third quarter of 2009”, which indicated that the economy had grown 0,9% on a quarter-to-quarter basis.

Craven said the committee noted the economy had lost 959000 jobs in the first three quarters of this year and the 0,9% growth rate would not reverse this job-loss trend.

1.3 Overtime for traffic cops in disarray

By MAYIBONGWE MAQHINA, Daily Dispatch, 10 December 2009

THE Eastern Cape might not have traffic officers on the roads over the festive season and weekends as law enforcers threaten to stay off duty if they are not paid for working overtime.

This comes after the provincial Transport Department was accused by the UDM of delaying overtime payments by claiming it had no funds or vehicles.

UDM MP Stanley Ntapane said yesterday provincial traffic officers had told him they had initially been ordered to treat weekends and holidays as overtime, for which they would be compensated.

“From July they were told not to work overtime because there is no money,” he said, adding the move resulted in the absence of officers on the roads, especially on weekends.

“It is irresponsible of the department at this time of the year that reckless and negligent drivers get to know that there are no traffic officers on the roads on weekends,” Ntapane said.

Department spokesperson Ncedo Kumbaca said management would ensure officers were on the roads over weekends during the festive season. Overtime was not a right, but a privilege, he said.

“Overtime must be approved before one works.”

Kumbaca said the department was investigating cases where there had been no payment for overtime. “There are some cases where people claim to have worked overtime, and there are cases where overtime was not approved. There has to be evidence that overtime was approved.”

Both the Police and Prison Civil Rights Union (Popcru) and the Public Service Association (PSA) said there were problems surrounding payments of overtime and vehicles.

Popcru provincial secretary Mongezi Bathembu said there were traffic officers who had not been paid overtime in Butterworth since July 2007, and Popcru had taken a position that its members would only work weekends if they were paid.

“If they are called to work on weekends, they will – on condition that there is payment of overtime. If the employer says ‘ we will give you time off or a rest day’, we won’t do that,” he said.

PSA’s Walter Martin said another major problem was that there were not enough traffic officers to make a 24-hour shift system work effectively . -

1.4 Solidarity with striking South African miners

Weissman Hamilton and Mametlwe Sebei, Democratic Socialist Movement, (DSM, CWI South Africa)

SOLIDARITY IS urgently needed for striking South African mineworkers at a platinum mine in Rustenburg whose dispute has become extremely bitter. In August around 5,000 workers, members of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), the biggest affiliate of Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) embarked on a legal strike for a wage increase.

Facing particularly harsh conditions, these mineworkers are among the lowest paid with one of the most intensely exploitative regimes. Their demands included a 15% pay increase and improved benefits.

Two days into the strike, without warning, the workers received notice from the NUM leadership that they had settled for a 10.5% increase. The leadership's justification was that other mineworkers had agreed to this. The leadership's capitulation cut across attempts to build solidarity with workers at other mines.

The workers' frustration spilled over into anger when the union leadership ordered them back to work. The workers rejected the agreement and resolved to carry on with the strike. The leadership's action effectively rendered continued strike action illegal. Increasingly desperate, the mineworkers staged a sit-in underground.

The mine bosses' response was to sack all the workers. Protests were organised to demand the workers' reinstatement. The mine bosses, with a history of repression, exploitation and inhuman brutality, interpreted the union leadership's role as an opportunity to slash the workers' conditions. They announced they would only be prepared to re-employ the workers on reduced pay and wipe out all their previous work history including pension credits and other benefits.

Under pressure a small number drifted back to work but this was the exception. The main effect was to increase the workers' determination to fight on. Thousands remained on strike and attempted to re-occupy the mine.

Mine security and police with dogs, armed with live ammunition and willing to shoot, were unleashed against them. So far three miners have been confirmed dead, with an unknown number missing. Many were arrested. Those in hospital were in effect under arrest. The NUM had turned its back on the workers.

In response the strikers organised a protest march to the Cosatu congress in September.

Following discussions with members of the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM, the Socialist Party's sister party in South Africa) - Mametlwe Sebei, a DSM trade union activist and media and campaigns coordinator of the Metal and Electrical Workers Union of South Africa (Mewusa) travelled to Rustenburg to assist their struggle.

Mewusa was able to assist in determining the number of workers killed, to secure the release of those detained and to arrange legal representation. Seeing a more militant leadership and also the opportunity to remain connected to other workers, the workers renounced their NUM membership and the entire branch joined Mewusa en bloc.

Mewusa succeeded in securing the release of 34 jailed workers on bail. Access was won for the families of those arrested but hospitalised. Those mineworkers who remained in hiding underground in protest surfaced on hearing news of renewed struggle under the new leadership of Mewusa.

DSM and Mewusa put forward a programme for the struggle. This included calls for a mobilisation of other mineworkers in the city and workers elsewhere. They also raised the idea of linking up with the local communities.

Rolling mass action is planned which will raise the crucial question of nationalisation and the need for a mass workers' party on a socialist programme. The struggle continues with renewed determination. A demonstration is planned for Saturday 12 December.

South Africa

2.1 Nzimande slams detractors

By Xolani Mbanjwa, IOL, 10 December 2009

South African Communist Party (SACP) general-secretary Blade Nzimande has defended his dual roles in the party and in government saying that he was not the only leader to hold "multiple" positions.

Nzimande accused detractors of being "naughty" and for "vulgarising" the debate about his appointment to President Jacob Zuma's cabinet as the minister of higher education.

His position in the party is full-time in terms of the SACP's constitution.

Nzimande was addressing the media at the University of Limpopo (Turfloop) yesterday where 1 000 SACP members are expected to debate the issue of the deployment of the party leaders to government and provincial legislatures among other issues during a special conference.

Although various party structures have called for the issue of deploying senior office bearers such as Nzimande and his deputy Jeremy Cronin, the Deputy Transport Minister, to be discussed Nzimande said none of the provinces had challenged his position by calling for elections.

He slammed his detractors, especially the media, for not doing research before commenting on the issues facing the party.

"It's very unfortunate actually that this matter is being vulgarised and personalised. I wonder how many of you have bothered to look at what other communist parties are doing in other countries because the issue of state power is an issue that faces communists everywhere."

He said other leaders in the party and the tripartite alliance had held multiple positions for many years, but they had not been questioned like he had about the issue.

But one of the major reasons why the party's central committee had called for the special congress was because the issue had become contentious, with differing opinions from party structures about whether deploying office bearers to government should be allowed.

The issue is expected to come to a head in almost all the eight commissions which will discuss various challenges facing the party.

Solly Mapaila, the head of Nzimande's office, also defended his leader, praising him for having done a "brilliant" job with the party.

Mapaila insisted that the party's central committee had in fact "instructed" Nzimande to take up a position in Parliament which opened way for him to be higher education minister in President Jacob Zuma's cabinet.

Zuma is expected to address the congress on Saturday. More than 250 SACP affiliates have been invited. The congress ends on Sunday.

2.2 The Communists’ dilemma

By Stephen Grootes, Eye Witness news, 10 December 2009

The South African Communist Party’s special national conference gets under way properly this morning. But maybe this time it will be more about the party itself than about bringing world peace and declaring that utopia is damn well achievable. Maybe this time they will pose some hard questions, like how much does the SACP actually matter? And what to do with the top three men?

Communists really love to talk. And talk. And if they can, they will talk some more. It’s about the battle of ideas, the propaganda war that they love so much. It’s about debate-debate rather than revolution-revolution. And the next few days are likely to be a good example of that.

The SACP is meeting in Polokwane at a gathering that is unlikely to be quite as momentous as the last time something political happened there, but it’ll be pretty interesting nonetheless. And while the party’s propagandists are likely to put all kinds of spin on the choice of location, we capitalists can’t resist taking a cheap shot or two, like reminding them that it took about a year to pay back the Nelson Mandela University in Port Elizabeth for their last conference.

If you’re in the Alliance, but not in power, there’s really only one major debate: how to achieve as much power as possible within that Alliance. If you’re in power, like the ANC, you don’t need to worry about that, and you have the luxury of a good old-fashioned leadership battle, or even a quick discussion about policy. But for the SACP, policy may well come second. After all, “Socialism in our lifetime” is one of those goals that moves, depending on who you’re talking to. And so you can expect the relationship between the SACP and the ANC to be a major focus.

In this debate, the SACP has one major problem. It’s rather insurmountable really. If it ran in an election tomorrow, as an independent party, it would be lucky to get 17% of the vote. That’s just a little bit more than the DA. And that’s before the ANC really gets its campaign in motion. Then it would be able to take a lot of that support from the SACP very easily. Both the ANC and the SACP know that. (The ANC has the best electoral mathematicians rands can buy, and the DA’s are pretty bloody good too. Witness how ANC officials were careful not to predict a two-thirds majority in this year’s election.) So, if the person you’re negotiating with knows that you’re in a much weaker position, your options are hugely limited. But what you CAN do is find out who has the same problem as you do, and work together. Hence Cosatu and the SACP’s close relationship. And what do they demand? That the Alliance is the “centre of power”, and the claim that it makes policy.

Here the SACP is on a good ground. It’s being told that it’s making some headway, over things like inflation targeting, the deficit and so forth. It’ll want to believe that all of that is actually true, but is likely to keep a close eye on those particular debates. As always, if you want an honest answer to the question, how much power does the left have, you go to Jeremy Cronin. He’s the deputy general secretary of the party, and has a brain the size of a planet. Not only is he rare and an honest politician, he’s even more rare in that he’s a communist with a sense of humour, which Julius Malema spectacularly failed to notice during the nationalisation debate. And Cronin always says that for the left to get what it wants, it’ll have to work harder than ever. Which should make the left worry a little, considering that their man Zuma is now safely installed in the Union Buildings.

The “personality issue” of this week’s conference is going to be about that well-known product of the union between a gardener and a kitchen girl, Blade Nzimande. If you haven’t heard him sing that little ditty, you’re missing something. He does have one of the better political voices on the current scene. But the question delegates will debate is should he keep two jobs, that of higher education minister, and of being the only person who can claim to be Cronin’s party boss? As an issue, it’s a doozy. The argument for him to keep them both is that he’s successfully led the party’s support for President Jacob Zuma. He’s having an impact on government policies, his supporters will say, and as a minister, he gets name recognition, an opportunity to implement SACP policy on the ground etc.

The arguments against will be muted, but they’ll be there. The SACP has already previously prevented one of its officials from being an MEC, so there’ll be discussions about precedent. Then, and you’ll have to listen closely to hear it, doesn’t having the party’s leader in government stop that leader, who is the party’s biggest, most visible and spinnable asset, from being as free, and as honest as he would like? In other words, if cabinet decides inflation targeting should stay, and that it should be written into the Constitution forever, as a cabinet member, he would be expected to back it fully and with enthusiasm.

Nzimande knows his party well, and he’ll have made sure he gets his preferred outcome. So he’ll keep a corner office at Cosatu House (which also houses the SACP), and get to keep his trappings of power, including his ministerial car (that’s cars, plural – Ed).

And when it comes to policy, don’t expect a major departure from the ANC’s election manifesto. The SACP’s chairman Gwede Mantashe won’t want any kind of change or anything that’ll rock the boat. After all, Mantashe also has an interest in keeping the SACP in line.

2.3 ‘Death threats’ against ANC boss

Babalo Ndenze and Bongani Fuzile, Daily Dispatch, 10 December 2009

THREATENING phone calls against an ANC boss have stoked the fires in the Buffalo City Municipality, where warring factions have brought turmoil to City Hall.

Mziwamadoda Sotshana, the ANC’s Amathole regional secretary, said an anonymous woman had phoned him yesterday morning and warned him against calling for the party’s national leaders to intervene in the mess at Buffalo City.

Sotshana said the phone call “scared” him. He had opened a criminal case with the police.

“This woman phoned me twice. She put it straight to me that if I don’t stop what I am doing, they will show me something.

“To me that is a death threat,” Sotshana said.

Vowing to stand up to the “faceless cowards”, Sotshana said he reported the matter to the party’s regional leaders.

“I will never be intimidated by cowards in pursuit of our noble cause for revolution. I will carry on the mandate given to me by the ANC in these trying and testing times,” he said.

Mdantsane police spokesman Captain Leon Fortune confirmed that a case of “anonymous threats by cellphone” was being investigated by the Cambridge police station.

Sotshana’s region has been behind efforts to oust Mayor Zukisa Faku, who, so far, has received backing from the party’s provincial executive – Daily Dispatch

2.4 Blade wants it both ways

MMANALEDI MATABOGE , Mail&Guardian online, 9 December 2009

The South African Communist Party (SACP) meets in Polokwane for its second special national congress from Thursday, with a clear indication that the party’s constitution might be amended to allow its general secretary, Blade Nzimande, to continue holding the position and also serve in the Cabinet. The party’s constitution states that the general secretary's position should be full time, but Nzimande agreed to be deployed as minister of higher education in President Jacob Zuma’s Cabinet, and continues to hold two positions.

Nzimande told journalists at a press conference on Wednesday that the special national congress could take the same decisions as a national congress, but could not elect members.

This, however, could be overturned if two-thirds of the party's structures called for elections and even then, the call should be made before the special congress sits.

“Not a single structure has called for elections,” said Nzimande, indicating that the few disgruntled members in the party had already lost their battle to take issue with his two positions.

Several SACP senior leaders are deployed in government on an African National Congress ticket, raising concerns within the party that the move could weaken the organisation. The matter has been placed on the agenda at the special congress. “It is a matter that we are raising in the political report of the central committee,” said Nzimande, adding that it was “wrong and naughty” to single him out for scrutiny when other Cabinet ministers also held senior party positions.

Nzimande is scheduled to present the party’s political report on Thursday.

The SACP will focus on the role the party needs to play in the country’s politics. Head of the secretary’s office, Solly Mapaila -- who has been largely in charge of the SACP office since Nzimande took the Cabinet job -- said they needed to discuss how deploying its cadres in government could benefit the party. “The issue here is not even about the general secretary, it is about the challenges the party is facing in relation to the deployment of its cadres in different spheres of society”.

The SACP’s political influence was enhanced by Zuma’s victory in 2007.

About 1 000 delegates are expected to discuss, among other matters, how to strengthen the party and its finances, the state and the future of local government as well as economic transformation, which will include the planning commission and rural development.

The ANC, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African National Civic Organisation (Sanco) will send representatives to the congress. ANC chairperson Baleka Mbete will lead the party’s delegation and President Jacob Zuma is scheduled to address delegates on Saturday. The congress ends on Sunday, with a report-back rally to be held at the University of Limpopo's Oscar Mpheta stadium.

2.5 ANC didn’t instruct Eskom to delay hikes

Times Live, 9 December 2009

The ANC had read with disbelief and surprise an article in last week's Mail and Guardian alleging that former Eskom chief executive officer Jacob Maroga delayed massive electricity tariff hikes until after the elections at the behest of the ANC, its spokesman Jackson Mthembu said.

"We want to state for the record that such a behest as alleged by Mail and Guardian never took place," he said.

"No-one in the ANC ever requested Maroga to delay the announcement of Eskom proposed tariffs increases until after the elections. There was no reason for the ANC to do so.

"Firstly, the ANC is a liberation movement which since its inception has championed the aspirations and collective desire of South Africans for a better South Africa and a better life for all.

"It cannot and should not be reduced to a mere electoral party apparatus whose mission is to win votes above anything else."

Mthembu said that as a ruling party, the ANC was acutely aware of the separation between the party and the state, and did not instruct or directly engage with government organs.

The article, he said, presupposed that the ANC agreed with the Eskom proposed tariff increases, but was only worried about the timing of the announcement of the proposed increases.

"This is far from the truth. Our approach on energy provisioning has always been that it should not have negative effects of slowing our economic recovery and should also not impact negatively on job creation and economic growth.

"It therefore would not make any sense that the ANC would disagree with Eskom proposed tariff increases, but still find it expedient to ask Eskom not to pronounce on such increases before the April 2009 elections," Mthembu said.

The Mail and Guardian reporter had not asked the ANC whether it had asked Maroga to delay announcements on the proposal of tariff increases, he said.

The only inquiry put before the ANC "was allegations made by some faceless people within Eskom regarding Maroga's attitude on this matter".

The ANC found it very odd that it had to comment firstly, on allegations made by "some faceless people, and also on the matter about somebody else that did not concern the ANC".

"It is only for these reasons that the ANC did not respond to the fishing expedition by the Mail and Guardian reporter," he said.

Mluleki Mntungwa (Communications Officer)

COSATU ICT Unit

1-5 Leyds Cnr Biccard Street

Braamfontein

2007

P.O.Box 1019

Johannesburg

2000

South Africa

Tel: +27 11 339-4911/24

Fax: +27 11 339-5080/6940

E-Mail: mlu...@cosatu.org.za

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