COSATU Today, Friday 11 December 2009

After a lengthy process of negotiations to address the problems of racism at Pick’ n Pay and a failure on the side of the company to respond satisfactorily, workers obtained a certificate to embark on protected industrial action.

More than 20 000 SACCAWU members nationwide are expected to join the protest action with up to 10 000 expected to participate in the Johannesburg protest alone.

Issues workers are concerned about include;

• Over-representation of Whites and White women in senior positions

• Racial Discrimination in extension of employment contracts beyond the retirement age

• Failure to take appropriate action against white managers found guilty of racist practices on the shopfloor;

• Discrimination in application of the Company’s disciplinary procedure

• Racist remarks that were made by the Company’s CEO

• Discrimination against Black Customers

Protest marches will take place in all major centres in the country except in Cape Town where permission for the protest march had been refused by SAPS and will instead take place on 18 December 2009

Protest details:

All protest marches will start at 10am and culminate in the handing over of a memorandum outlining the issues and demands from workers.

• Bloemfontein – Hoffman Square to Pick 'n Pay Brandwacht Store

• Durban –

Beginning of West Street to Durban City Hall

• Johannesburg – Rhodes Park Kensington to Pick 'n Pay Head Offices Kensington

• Port Elizabeth - 4th ave to Pick 'n Pay Walmer Park Offices

1.2 Workers united on the picket line despite increased intimidation

Mike Abrahams, SACCAWU Spokesperson, 10 December 2009

After seven days of the national strike action by SACCAWU members at Sun International, workers remain determined and united.

Despite arrests and violence at the hands of the police and private security firms, provocations, intimidation and victimisation, the company will not break the unity and determination of the striking workers.

Despite assaults, provocative racial slurs and insults hurled at striking workers they will not be deterred from fighting for their legitimate demands of improved terms and conditions of employment, better wages and all their other demands.

To date more than thirty striking workers have been arrested and released on bail. In a clear demonstration of the desperation by the company and the police to break the strike, even a guest, not a member of the union and who had nothing to do with the strike were also arrested in the Western Cape. SACCAWU members are convinced that the guest was arrested because she is black. SACCAWU had to pay her a bail and she is expected to appear alongside SACCAWU members in court in February 2010.

It is clear that the company has very little consideration for plight of workers and the extent of their struggles to raise families and dependents on their wages in a period where food prices have more than doubled, since the beginning of the year.

At Sun City the police and management are falsely using a court order they obtained against COSATU in the protest against racism which were to happen the day before the strike started, to intimidate workers. At Carnival City management used strike rules of 2006 in attempts to confuse workers. What seems to be apparent in many instances is a pattern of collusion between SAPS and management to intimidate striking workers. However workers remain united and on strike!

The meeting between SACCAWU and the company which were held under the auspices of the CCMA yesterday has not yet reach conclusion and will continue today 10 December 2010 as attempts to resolve the strike continue. SACCAWU remains committed to resolve the strike on the basis of the mandate from our members and call on management to constructively engage with the union to resolve the strike. While negotiations continue workers remain united behind their demands for wage increases, improved terms and conditions of employment and tips given to workers for services provided not to be kept by the company but given to the workers.

2. South Africa

2.1 Speech to the SACP Special National Congress by Zwelinzima Vavi: General Secretary COSATU, 11 November 2009

General Secretary Comrade Blade Nzimande

National Chairperson Comrade Gwede Mantashe

Members of the Politburo and Central Committee of the South African Communist Party

Leaders of the African National Congress

Distinguished guests;

Delegates, comrades and friends:

It is always an extra special honour to be invited to address a National Congress of our great ally, the South African Communist Party. The SACP, the ANC and the trade union movement have fought together in the trenches of the class, national and gender war for many years. We have always held a very special affection and respect for each other. Indeed we share many members, and of course share many values, principles and policies.

Somebody once said, referring to communists, “by their action ye shall see them.” The speaker was of course talking about the high level of principled commitment to revolutionary action and high ethical standing of communists. The Party makes us proud as the South African working class.

The unremitting commitment of the SACP to the ideal of socialism and its pioneering work in non-racial politics and practice remains a valuable contribution of communists.

By hoisting the Red Flag high during this period where many have lost their ideological bearing inspires the South African and global working class and progressive movement. This congress must take the SACP to new heights rather than be paralysed by short-term internal conflicts.

It is trite to say that this congress takes place at an opportune moment in our ongoing struggle for fundamental change. The symbolism of hosting this Congress in the same venue that ushered in a new regime and spirit in the ANC two years ago should not be lost. This moment thus serve as a midterm review of the outcome and development, not only for the SACP, but also of the historic 52^nd Congress of the ANC.

Congress faces the challenge to conduct a dispassionate analysis of the post-Polokwane moment. Suffice to say that a new mood and spirit of cooperation is evident in the ANC and the Alliance. Still we have witnessed the beginnings of the unravelling of the unity of the forces that made Polokwane happen.

Comrades, we confront the challenge to understand the underlying reasons for this apparent rupture and its ideological, national and class character. Unity of the movement is a sacred objective that we should spare no energy to preserve and nurture. However, it is not unity for its own sake but to unite a broad range of forces to attain the goals of our struggle for fundamental change. Nobody said it was going to be easy! It will be folly to now abandon the ANC when we are confronted by contradictions.

We persevered during the most difficult time in the post 1994 era. Why should we give up now? The broad ANC members voted for accelerated transformation and democratisation of the movement. Leaving the ANC because we are upset by some problematic pronouncements from a minority is a betrayal of these masses that voted for fundamental transformation of society.

Still it is also false to argue that common ground cannot be established with many of these comrades, since there are no principled disagreements about restoring the NDR to its basic goals of eliminating national, class and gender oppression. Our responsibility is to broaden the front of the forces who want genuine change whilst recognising that there is a tiny minority that only mouth empty rhetoric about change but whose agenda is to use the movement and positions for narrow accumulation and personal wealth.

In COSATU there is a popular saying that “you cannot win at the table what you did not win on the streets.” This means we must intensify the struggle on all fronts and participate fully in the structures of our democratic movement. Further, it means we have to defend the post-Polokwane gains and ensure their realisation.

As our recent history has shown, progress results from collective action and a programme rather than an individual messiah. All-in-all comrades I am urging that we should resist the temptation to become paranoid and see enemies everywhere. If we give in to this temptation then we shall fail to grasp the opportunities now, and by extension fail to offer leadership.

In this regard we must defend the ANC as the embodiment of the desires of our people for a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa. The ANC belongs to our people and not a section or a group of distinguished leaders. The best defence of the character of the ANC is to ensure that the branches are fully empowered to participate in the structures of the movement and to hold leadership accountable. As a popular freedom song says “amandla ase masebeni”.

The Congress also takes place a few months after the renewal of the ANC’s mandate to rule this country for the next five years. It is important that we grasp the lessons of the 2009 General Election, in terms of our strengths and weaknesses.

We know that the opposition benches have been reconfigured, with the emergence of COPE, which has eclipsed the IFP as the second biggest opposition party. Further, for the first time in post 1994 era, the Western Cape has been won by the DA with an outright majority, a peculiar outcome indeed!

Voter turnout increased, as did the number of people who voted ANC, but the ANC fell short of a straight two-thirds majority and in some provinces our overall majority was trimmed down. I emphasise these challenges not because we did not mount a spectacular campaign but to call on us to pay special attention to these lurking dangers.

Democracy is a contest of ideas and you cannot take mass support for granted. Let us use this opportunity to attend to our organisational, political and governance weaknesses.

Many were surprised that immediately after the election South Africa was engulfed by a wave of strikes and social protests in working-class communities. Does this mean our people are confused – vote for the ANC and immediately thereafter demonstrate a lack of trust in their rulers.

An easy explanation is to suggest that this is the work of disgruntled elements or agent provocateurs. In some cases this might be true, but to attribute all strikes and protests to problematic individuals is to have a superficial understanding of what is happening. Moreover it implies that the solution is to arrest these individuals and all will be fine. This securocratic response would illustrate that we may be out of touch with the reality of our constituency.

Rising levels of crime, xenophobia, social protests and strikes are many manifestations of our people’s reaction to the neoliberal squeeze. The adoption of conservative macroeconomic policies at a time when there was a huge backlog of service delivery and under-development resulted in the commodification of basic needs, rising unemployment and a general increase in insecurity in the household and the workplace. In fact, it seems that our policies are similar to driving the sea with a teaspoon or filling a leaking bucket.

It is not just a lack of delivery that triggers community protests. On the contrary, visible delivery demonstrates to the people that something is happening, but they ask: when will I benefit? In addition people’s patience is running thin as their relative deprivation deepens. When a person you grew up next to is suddenly driving the latest model of luxury car and living in leafy suburbs this is bound to increase anger.

What is even worse is that this society does not reward hard work and effort. There are many examples of super-rich individuals who have never worked a single day in their life, begging the question: where does the wealth come from? Are we then surprised by the many ‘get rich quick’ schemes and the ‘grab what you can whilst you can’ mentality in our organisations and society?

Where will this all end? This is what informs statements like ‘I did not struggle to be poor’, forgetting that the struggle was not about self enrichment but mass empowerment.

Black people in South Africa are further incensed by the percolation of wealth and opportunities among a minority of (mostly male) whites. A few blacks have joined the super-rich but this does not change the basic fact that white power remains firmly entrenched so many years after the democratic breakthrough. Our people ask: was reconciliation worth it if we remain unemployed and living in poverty? In this regard gestures that impose one-sided reconciliation smack of intellectual arrogance and opportunism. Why is it always the victims that must show magnanimity when the perpetrators do not even show remorse?

Comrades, this Congress comes in the aftermath of the highly successful COSATU tenth congress. The recent COSATU CEC agreed that it was indeed a remarkable show of unity, strength and political maturity. A report assessing the outcome of the Congress has been issued and I invite comrades to engage it.

I believe we can all agree that the Congress raised the bar on theoretical, political and strategic debates. This escaped the mass media and the chattering classes who focused narrowly, and distorted, a debate on the Green Paper on National Planning.

Clearly political education is lacking among many of the current crop of journalists. Please, the Party must have a programme to improve political education among our journalists, so they can appreciate the depth of our analysis rather than focus on platitudes and sensational stuff.

Against this background I want to say I agree with the Party when it asks why after fifteen years of democracy the material conditions of our people have not fundamentally changed. The obvious answer is that the structures that produce and reproduce under-development, poverty and inequality have not been fundamentally tampered with.

We must spend time understanding the dynamics of the post-1994 South African society and the current global capitalist order. Ultimately the point is to understand how to transform our society and the world. Capitalism is recovering from its worst crisis after the crash of the global financial markets. The crisis is a recurring theme in capitalism, albeit with different triggers and effects.

Many of our people feel the outcome of this crisis through, unemployment, declining incomes and rising poverty and inequalities. Marx was the first to point out that crisis is endemic to capitalism. Schumpeter called this ‘boom and bust’ process a ‘creative destruction’. Capitalists behave like a herd when they smell opportunity, others panic and the whole structure crumbles and has to start again. Kindleberger called his book ‘Manias, Panics and Crashes’ to describe this exuberant optimism and extreme pessimism, especially in financial markets.

Therefore comrades, the task facing this congress is to deepen our understanding of the capitalist order in the South African, regional and global context. It must also articulate strategies to deepen the NDR in South Africa and build momentum for socialism.

However this task will be incomplete if it does not encompass the region and the international order. COSATU congress challenged us to build a broad coalition of left forces at a national, regional and global level. It remains a sad irony that the left forces are fragmented and lack a common platform. We must heighten the ideological warfare to defend the correctness of our ideas. The left label has become a swear word and it is only through our effort and work that our people will respect us.

Leaders of the new tendency, together with non-reading and non-analytic sections of the media, continue to create the impression that the left is some problematic tendency hell-bent on hijacking the ANC, which is supposed to be a neutral player that is not itself a left force. Soon, if we do not expose and isolate this emerging tendency, we may return to the days where there was a witch-hunt against so called ‘leftists’. So comrades I plead with you that this congress should not be about leadership but about providing answers to these many challenges we face.

This week world leaders are gathered in Copenhagen to discuss environmental challenges and how we should respond. We commend the South African government for the voluntary steps it has committed to. This proves that you do not have to be a superpower to provide leadership on issues facing humanity. It is very clear that this summit is going to be another missed opportunity, as developed countries continue to duck their responsibility.

This in part reflects the fact that a global mass movement for environmental change to put pressure on governments is absent. We have allowed environmental issues to be the preserve of the middle class when in fact it is the poor that are worst affected by environmental damage. This congress must go beyond blaming capitalism but develop clear proposals for a campaign on environmental change. In addition, it must articulate a vision of socialism that is ecologically sustainable. The experience of the Soviet Union proves that we cannot take the environment for granted.

I now turn to the most difficult part of my speech. If I had a choice I would skip this part and wish the congress well. I must confess comrades that this is the most difficult speech I have had to write. So much is at stake and the situation is very delicate. I am reminded of a saying that we expressed when facing difficulties in the Alliance. We used to say we are performing a ‘complicated egg dance’. I never thought I would face this moment so soon. As you all know, this congress must decide on the best formula to address the leadership question. I am not here to tell you what to do, but our movement was not built by skirting difficult and controversial issues.

As we engage in this debate we need to balance between two extremes. One extreme is to completely miss the opportunity now presented by the post-Polokwane moment through some undefined militant abstention. COSATU, through its ‘walking through the open doors project ‘, has defined a clear strategy on how workers should ensure that they pick the gains for themselves. We do not struggle so that others can be our rulers.

We more than ever before are presented with an opportunity to deploy our leaders to key levers of power so that they can be in the forefront of the transformation project. We cannot abstain from this challenge, nor can we afford to sub contract it to others. These victories belong to us. This changed political environment is as a result our efforts. We must walk through the open doors.

We are therefore not an opposition grouping or an NGO that is not interested in state power. Those who are arguing abstention must think again. Workers and the poor cannot be happy to have made all these sacrifices to achieve a more favourable balance of forces, and then, just at the time when we need leaders of substance and conviction to navigate through this difficult terrain and help lead to the realisation of the goal of building a better life for all, see them step aside to let others to come through to lead us.

I feel that, as the General Secretary of the organised workers who are your trusted ally, I would have failed if I did not also make you appreciate the other extreme to this debate. In whatever manner you resolve this debate, it cannot be that in the name of walking through the open doors we open a new race for all leaders of the SACP to want to be a mayor and minister.

I want you at this moment to spare some time to think again what you meant when you talked about the need to reconfigure the Alliance, so that you can keep your leadership accountable to your ideals. Recall your discussions that informed the Medium Term Vision (MTV). Recall that you coined a historic slogan that continues to be a clarion call to all socialists: ‘Socialism is the future; build it now’.

In whatever way you resolve this discussion about leadership and the new environment that requires that we walk through the open doors and pick up the gains, please take the following into three points into consideration as your framework:

1. The SACP must not be subordinated to the ANC. We need carefully thought-out mechanisms to ensure that the SACP has leaders who spend adequate time in Party building programmes. The challenges I have mapped above demand a strong, independent and fighting working class party, of course allied to the ANC and COSATU.

2. There has to be a clear link between whatever we conclude and the MTV and in particular to the clarion call – ‘Socialism is the future; build it now’. We must act ideologically and politically and not be seen to be acting opportunistically. We must occupy the space that has been opened to maximise the gains to deepen the NDR and build the momentum for socialism. Ultimately, the success of this strategy is the extent to which it deepens the NDR and builds a momentum for socialism. Honestly, it will be a lost opportunity if all it achieves is the incorporation of the Party leadership into an untransformed situation without a clear ideology of how this links to our struggle to build socialism. In that case the leaders will simply serve as apologists of the status quo. In the past 15 years we have seen this happening. To be frank, regrettably, it was some of the leading communists who enthusiastically pushed down the throats of the working class the neoliberal programmes championed by the 1996 class project.

3. The Party’s independence must be jealously guarded. The leadership must be held accountable. The state is a massive monster. Our leaders can either lead the process of its transformation or they can be transformed by the state that still is essentially capitalist in character and therefore a weapon of class rule. In the absence of strong mechanisms to keep the leadership accountable and a fighting programme guiding the work of the party, we face a danger of making the party a weapon to provide jobs for its leaders in government.

Whatever solution this Congress arrives at we must remember that workers need a vanguard that earns its place by providing consistent leadership to society. You are our political insurance and, please, we have not come here so that we witness the process of a slow death of our party. We are here to contribute so that the party continues to be that political insurance for the workers.

I trust that you will rise up to the challenge and not give our enemies a chance to celebrate.

I wish the Congress a success.

2.2 Fighting for the right to health: celebrating a peoples movement

Vuyiseka Dubula, General Secretary of the Treatment Action Campaign, 10 December 2009

I would like to take the opportunity today, International Human Rights Day, to salute comrades in our struggle for access to treatment.

First I want to salute some of our fallen comrades - Oupa Fazi, Nkosinathi Magwala, Nomfundo Somana, Edward Mabunda, John Vollenhoven, Dr Steve Andrews, Dr Ivan Toms, Dr Sarah Ann Christianson, Violet Seboni, Thandokazi Kweta, Nandipha Makeke, Lorna Mlofana, Thabisile Mabuya and others.

I salute our comrades who have committed and dedicated their youth and adult life to the struggle for access to treatment for people living with HIV. I have had the opportunity to serve and sacrifice for the movement for nine years. When I was 22 years old TAC became a political home for many young people especially for women.

TAC’s aim at its inception was to reduce the stigma and discrimination faced by people living with HIV and to advocate for decent and quality healthcare for all. We started our work by addressing the policy challenges around HIV in South Africa. At that time there was no policy to provide access to treatment for HIV/AIDS.
At the same time we advocated for access to affordable treatment for HIV and opportunistic infections.

Our intention with forming TAC was to enforce our rights, specifically the right of access to treatment and healthcare. We did this through a combination of strategies and tactics - namely through community mobilisation, protest, education and through the use of legal action.

HIV is an indicator of deeper social and political crisis. This is often caused by high levels of social inequality, gender inequality and poverty. The formation, vibrancy and strategy of TAC provided a safe space and home for people to come forward and learn about HIV/AIDS and to themselves become the agents of change.

Through TAC we mobilised all sectors of society across race, gender, sexuality, class, and between people living with and those affected by HIV. Grassroots mobilisation was done through treatment literacy, the educational arm of TAC. We developed our cadres to understand the science of HIV and medicine as well as law, governance and politics under the leadership of Mthathi, Colwyn Poole and Herman Reuter. This is the greatest strength of the organization.

TAC branches were formed by community members in their areas for support and as a space for collective organising in their communities. This gave strength to TAC as these branches grew from one in Cape Town with 10 members to 256 in six provinces with 16 000- 19 000 members. Membership grew mainly in black townships but also in tertiary institutions and outside South Africa through organizations like friends of TAC.

TAC branches are structures that inspire community members to take action locally. Branches organised their demands around access to treatment at local clinics. Branches are the nerve centre of TAC.

A challenge that millions of South Africans faced throughout the late 1990s early 2000s was that testing and disclosing ones HIV status was taboo. We encouraged openness and debate on HIV in communities through our HIV-positive T-shirts. This campaign was coined after the murder of the HIV/AIDS activist Gugu Dlamini.

We have taken up women’s rights issues including access to healthcare and sexual and reproductive rights. The prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT) campaign has served as a starting point to address issues of sexual and reproductive rights of women living with HIV.

We launched our access justice campaign after the death of our beloved comrade Lorna Mlofana. Lorna was brutally murdered and killed in her own township in town 2, Khayelitsha. Lorna’s death opened up doors for many rape survivors to view TAC as home for them and the expectation was that we also had to ensure that their cases were followed up until justice was served. This led to TAC taking up issues of gender based violence which is directly linked to HIV. We needed to educate our members and communities about the link and to empower women living with HIV into positions of leadership. In 2005 our National Congress resolved that we should ensure that we build the leadership of women and people living with HIV.

TAC and our allies have succeeded in our push for a comprehensive HIV policy in South Africa that recognises the need for antiretroviral treatment to save the lives of people living with HIV. This did not come easily from government and at the time our relationship with government was very confrontational.

In 2004 Cabinet announced that the former Minister of Health, Manto Shabalala-Msimang, must develop an operational plan to provide treatment to people living with HIV. In 2006-2007, under the leadership of the former Deputy President, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Nozizwe Madlala Routledge and civil society and under the auspices of a revived South African National Aids Council (SANAC) we undertook a process of developing a new National Strategic Plan for HIV/TB/STI (2007-2011).

Today South Africa has the biggest antiretroviral programme in the world. Around 800 000 people are on treatment. Our policy aims to treat 80% of all those in need and to reduce new infections by 50% by 2011. Also we have seen the prices of ARVs drop dramatically from around R4500.00 per person per month to around R130.00 per person per month.

Today we will receive a human rights award from the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Germany. The award will be received by the TAC’s Chairperson, Ms. Nonkosi Khumalo, and TAC’s OR Tambo District Coordinator, Ms. Noloyiso Ntamehlo. In October 2010 we will be launching our 10 Year History Book to celebrate our achievements and share our lessons and challenges.

All of this would not have been possible without our own people living with HIV and other affected heroes namely Mkhanyiseli Mpalali, Sindiswa Godwana, Thabo Cele, Nomfundo Dubula, Gordon Mthembu, Mziwethu Faku, Nompulelo Khweza, Ntombozuko Khwaza, Nomandla Yako, Busisiwe Maqungo, Matthew Damane, Mandla Majola, Thembeka Majali, Sipho Mthathi, Linda Mafu, Mazibuko Jara, Micheal Matyeni, Rolake Odeteyinmbo, Carol Portia Ngcaba,Ivy, Promise Mthembu, Buyi Mdlovhu Thembane Shabangu, Rebecca Hodes, Norute Nobhola, Bushula, Nathan Geffen, Isaya Sibiya, Gugu Mpungose, Bulelani Mvotho,Wiseman Maduna, Andrew Feinstein, Nokhwezi Hoboyi, Deena Bosch, Jack Lewis, Carohn Cornell, Adila Hassim, Terens Crow , Mark Heywood, Annie Lennox, Gregg Gonsalves, Carol Maimbolwa, Paul Kasonkomona, Paula Akugizibwe, Nozizwe Madlala Routledge, Pregs Govender, Barbara Hogan, Gavin Silber, Gilad Isaacs, Zackie Achmat and all of our families who supported us… to mention just a few.

Aluta Continua !

3. International

3.1 COSATU delegation joins the Gaza Freedom March

Bongani Masuku COSATU’s International Relations Secretary, 11 December 2009

This new year’s eve, 31 December 2009, thousands of people and activists from all over the world will gather in Gaza for a historic march against the naked brutality being carried out by Israel in enforcing the illegal occupation there. A COSATU delegation, together with other South Africans, including former Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils, will be part of the march to the Erez border crossing between Gaza and Israel. Its aim is to focus international attention on the ongoing and inhumane siege of Gaza and its population of 1.5 million people.

Marking the one-year anniversary of the December 2008 Israeli massacre that killed more than 1,400 people – mostly civilians - thousands of Arab and Jewish activists, intellectuals, artists, professionals, trade unionists, human rights activists, Holocaust survivors, among others will express solidarity with beleaguered Palestinians in Gaza.

COSATU will join the global march to pledge our continued support for the freedom of all Palestinians, for an end to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and, specifically, for the lifting of the siege on Gaza.

Israel’s blockade of Gaza is an unashamed violation of international law and is collective punishment which has led to massive suffering. For South Africans who lived through our own crime against humanity, we cannot but fully support the condemnation by United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Richard Falk, of Israel’s siege of Gaza as a “crime against humanity.”

Amnesty International has called the Gaza blockade “a form of collective punishment of the entire population of Gaza, a flagrant violation of Israel's obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention.” Human Rights Watch has called it a “serious violation of international law”. The law is clear. Yet, the siege of Gaza continues, along with the myriad of other illegal acts Israel continues to perpetuate within the Palestinian territories and against Palestinians.

A COSATU delegation has just returned from a meeting organised by UK trade unions and solidarity movements to build support for a global campaign of boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel. It was a hugely successful programme also involving academics. The global momentum generated is unstoppable and can only more build more unity and resoluteness on the part of the global BDS movement.

In the words of South Africa’s great statesman, Nelson Mandela, “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” Supporting the brave and heroic people of Palestine is therefore a moral, political and collective responsibility of all who are opposed to apartheid as a heinous crime against humanity. The global BDS movement is the only remaining hope for peaceful pressure against Israel and must be supported by all progressive and agents of peace and change globally.

4. Vacancy

CEPPWAWU Logo

4.1 CEPPWAWU Post: Regional Administrator- Mpumalanga

CEPPWAWU - is looking to appoint a suitably qualified candidate for the following position

Regional Administrator- Mpumalanga

REQUIREMENTS

Ø Matric plus Diploma in Office Administration

Ø Basic Bookkeeping up to Trial Balance

Ø Sound understanding of Trade Union Movement

Ø Good Communication and writing skills

Ø Advanced Computer Literacy

Ø Good customer relations and impressive telephone etiquette

Ø Ability to work under stressful conditions

Ø Good Time Management

Ø Assertiveness and good interpersonal skills

RESPONSIBILITIES/DUTIES

Ø Managing Administration of the Regional Office

Ø Preparing Monthly Financial Statements and Annual Budget for the Region.

Ø Minute taking at meetings.

Ø Coordination of Document processing e.g. typing, faxing, photo-copying, e-mailing, preparation of reports binding and distribution of documentation for delegates attending meetings

Ø Scheduling of meetings and Diary Management

Ø Administrative Management of organizational activities in the Region

Ø Coordination of meetings and performing relevant tasks related thereto

The union offers a competitive salary and other good fringe benefits.

Kindly post your C.V. and a covering letter to:

The Deputy General Secretary

CEPPWAWU-Head Office

P.O. Box 3219

Johannesburg – 2000

The closing date for all applications is the 10^th January 2010

N.B. Only applicants who have been short-listed will be contacted for interview

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