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Subject: Homeland Fairies at the Universities, Spying on the Patriots.

Date: Jan 10, 2008 4:04 PM

[ARTICLE BELOW about the "violent radicalization and homegrown
terrorism"]

Question:  When Israeli and other spies have invaded the universities
and stolen
our secrets in order to sow discord abroad so that we might fight
Israel's wars...
Or in the case of "Lyme Disease," to feed and nurture the insider
investors
of biotech, including Kaiser re the non-coverage of vector-borne
illnesses... I
am speaking in particular about the Durland Fish/John J. Connolly/
Kaiser-Permanente/Gary
Wormser www.ALDF.com cabal at Yale and New York Medical College,...
Or in the case of the emerging Islamic radicalism fed and nurtured by
Zbigniew Bzrezinski
(or whatever that Pollack's name is) to be used against Russia in
Afghanistan,....
Do we really think the Homeland Fairies - these moron FBI types -
really ought to
be around universities looking for persons (like myself) who would
disapprove of
Israeli spies hijacking research data and info about biological (like
Lyme) or nuclear
weapons?

I mean, It's already happened.

Bush is a liar, 911 was a hoax; WTC7 was a controlled demolition, the
New York Times
refused to publish Holc Noble's expose of the Lyme crimes in May 2000,
Lyme
is not a knee disease, Durland Fish and Edward McSweegan stalk,
wiretap and harass
Lyme victims and their treaters which is undeniable, now.  Fish was
interviewed
by the Hartford Courant and was shown to be in possession of an actual
hit-list:
http://groups.google.com/group/scilyme2/browse_frm/thread/f25b0c432bd...

Come on now.  What if a whistleblower really had something important
to say and
the Homeland Fags bagged the whistleblower because the Israeli spies
like Durland
Fish falsely asserted that whistleblower was a dangerous terrorist?

Let's take the instance of the LYMErix vaccine.  Not only did it not
prevent
Lyme, not only did it not "prevent asymptomatic Lyme" as was claimed,
it made 11% of the victims very ill with an immune suppression illness
that can
turn into a non-hodgkins lymphoma.  If that vaccine was still on the
market you
would not have Lyme-protected people, you would have in reality,
immune suppressed
people; people multiply infected with all sorts of infections,
multiply-infected
people walking (inasmuch as we Lyme Zombies walk) around with all
sorts of diseases
- carriers - if you will, of all sorts of junk.

Breeders.  Little factories of disease.

Isn't it true that tuberculosis is making a comeback because of AIDS?

11% of the people who got that "vaccine" became chronically ill.
There was a deliberate
campaign by Yale not to report the immune suppressed version of
LYMErix adverse
events:
http://www.actionlyme.org/BIOWEAPONEERS_CORIXA_YALE_TLRS.htm
http://www.actionlyme.org/DICKSON_FDA_SUBMISSION_FULL.htm
http://www.actionlyme.org/SCHOEN_INSTRUCTING_DOCS_TO_BLOW_OFF_LYMERIX...
http://www.actionlyme.org/Bull_Lewis.htm

This is far too dangerous a proposal to institute until we get rid of
all the Israeli
wiretapping instigators and blackmailers.

Sibel Edmonds on the spies:
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/middle_east/article313769...

Kathleen M. Dickson
http://www.actionlyme.org

=============================

http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2008/01/10/6308/

Published on Thursday, January 10, 2008 by TomDispatch.com
Repress U: How to Build a Homeland Security Campus in Seven Steps
by Michael Gould-Wartofsky

Free speech zones. Taser guns. Hidden cameras. Data mining. A new
security curriculum.
Private security contractors... Welcome to the new homeland security
campus

From Harvard to UCLA, the ivory tower is fast becoming the latest
watchtower in
Fortress America. The terror warriors, having turned their attention
to "violent
radicalization and homegrown terrorism" -- as it was recently dubbed in
a House of
Representatives bill of the same name -- have set out to reconquer that
traditional
hotbed of radicalization, the university.

Building a homeland-security campus and bringing the university to
heel is a seven-step
mission:

1. Target dissidents: As the warfare state has triggered dissent, the
campus has
increasingly become a target gallery -- with student protesters in the
crosshairs.
The government's number one target? Peace and justice organizations.

From 2003 to 2007, an unknown number of them made it into the
Pentagon's "Threat
and Local Observation Notice" system (TALON), a secretive domestic
spying program
ostensibly designed to track direct "potential terrorist threats" to
the Department
of Defense itself. Last year, via Freedom of Information Act requests,
the ACLU
uncovered at least 186 specific TALON reports on "anti-military
protests" in the
U.S. -- some listed as "credible threats" -- from student groups at the
University
of California-Santa Cruz, State University of New York, Georgia State
University,
and New Mexico State University, among other campuses.

At more than a dozen universities and colleges, police officers now
double as full-time
FBI agents and, according to the Campus Law Enforcement Journal, serve
on many of
the nation's 100 Joint Terrorism Task Forces. These dual-purpose
officer-agents
have knocked on student activists' doors from North Carolina State to
the University
of Colorado and, in one case, interrogated an Iraqi-born professor at
the University
of Massachusetts-Amherst about his antiwar views.

FBI agents, or their campus stand-ins, don't have to do all the work
themselves.
Administrators often do it for them, setting up "free speech zones,"
which actually
constrain speech, and punishing those who step outside them. Last
year, protests
were typically forced into "free assembly areas" at the University of
Central Florida
and Clemson University; while students at Hampton and Pace
Universities faced expulsion
for handing out antiwar flyers, aka "unauthorized materials."

2. Lock and load: Many campus police departments are morphing into
heavily armed
garrisons, equipped with a wide array of weaponry from Taser stun guns
and pepper
guns to shotguns and semiautomatic rifles. Lock-and-load policies that
began in
the 1990s under the rubric of "the war on crime" only escalated with
the President's
Global War on Terror. Each school shooting -- most recently the
massacre at Virginia
Tech -- just adds fuel to the armament flames.

Two-thirds of universities now arm their police, according to the
Justice Department.
Many of the guns being purchased were previously in the province of
military units
and SWAT teams. For instance, AR-15 rifles (similar to M-16s) are now
in the arsenal
of the University of Texas campus police. Last April, City University
of New York
bought dozens of semiautomatic handguns. Now, states like Nevada are
even considering
plans to allow university staff to pack heat in a "special reserve
officer corps."

Most of the force used on campus these days, though, comes in "less
lethal" form,
such as the rubber bullets and pepper pellets increasingly used to
contain student
demonstrations. Then there is the ubiquitous Taser, the electroshock
weapon recently
ruled a "form of torture" by the UN. A Taser was used by UCLA police
in November
2006 to deliver shock after shock to an Iranian-American student for
failing to
produce his ID at the Powell Library. Last September, a University of
Florida student
was Tased after asking pointed questions of Senator John Kerry at a
public forum,
his plea of "Don't Tase me, bro" becoming the stuff of pop folklore.

3. Keep an eye (or hundreds of them) focused on campus: Surveillance
has become
a boom industry nationally -- one that now reaches deep into the heart
of the American
campus. In fact, universities have witnessed explosive growth in the
electronic
surveillance of students, faculty, and campus workers. On ever more
campuses, closed-circuit
security cameras can track people's every move, often from hidden or
undisclosed
locations, sometimes even into classrooms.

The International Association of Campus Law Enforcement Administrators
reports that
surveillance cameras have now found their way onto at least half of
all colleges,
their numbers on any given campus doubling, tripling, and in a few
cases, rising
tenfold since September 11, 2001. Such cameras have proliferated by
the hundreds
on private campuses, in particular. The University of Pennsylvania,
for instance,
has more than 400 watching over it, while Harvard and Brown have about
200 each.

Elsewhere, it can be tricky just to find out where the cameras are and
what they're
meant to be viewing. The University of Texas, for example, battled
student journalists
over disclosure and ultimately kept its cameras hidden. Sometimes,
though, a camera's
purpose seems obvious. Take the case of Hussein Hussein, a professor
in the Department
of Animal Biotechnology at the University of Nevada, Reno. In January
2005, the
widely respected professor found a hidden camera redirected to monitor
his office.

4. Mine student records: Student records have, in recent years, been
opened up to
all manner of data mining for purposes of investigation, recruitment,
or just all-purpose
tracking. From 2001 to 2006, in an operation code-named "Project
Strike Back," the
Department of Education teamed up with the FBI to scour the records of
the 14 million
students who applied for federal financial aid each year. The
objective? "To identify
potential people of interest," explained an FBI spokesperson
cryptically, especially
those linked to "potential terrorist activity."

Strike Back was quietly discontinued in June 2006, days after students
at Northwestern
University blew its cover. But just one month later, the Education
Department's
Commission on the Future of Higher Education, in a much-criticized
preliminary report,
recommended the creation of a federal "unit record" database that
would track the
activities and studies of college students nationwide. The
Department's Institute
of Education Sciences has developed a prototype for such a national
database.

It's not a secret that the Pentagon, for its part, hopes to turn
campuses into recruitment
centers for its overstretched, overstressed forces. In fact, the
Department of Defense
(DoD) has built its own database for just this purpose. Known as Joint
Advertising
Market Research and Studies, this program now tracks 30 million young
people, ages
16 to 25. According to a Pentagon spokesperson, the DoD has partnered
with private
marketing and data mining firms, which, in turn, sell the government
reams of information
on students and other potential recruits.

5. Track foreign-born students, keep the undocumented out: Under the
auspices of
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the Department of Homeland
Security (DHS)
has been keeping close tabs on foreign students and their dependents
through the
Student and Exchange Visitor Information System (SEVIS). As of October
2007, ICE
reported that it was actively following 713,000 internationals on
campuses, while
keeping more than 4.7 million names in its database.

The database aims to amass and record information on foreign students
throughout
their stay inside the United States. SEVIS requires thick files on the
students
from the sponsoring schools, constantly updated with all academic,
biographical,
and employment records -- all of which will be shared with other
government agencies.
If students fall out of "status" at school -- or if the database thinks
they have
-- the Compliance Enforcement Unit of ICE goes into action.

ICE has also done its part to keep the homeland security campus
purified of those
not born in the homeland. The American Immigration Law Foundation
estimates that
only one in 20 undocumented immigrants who graduate high school goes
on to enroll
in a college. Many don't go because they cannot afford the tuition,
but also because
they have good reason to be afraid: ICE has deported a number of those
who did make
it to college, some before they could graduate.

6. Take over the curriculum, the classroom, and the laboratory:
Needless to say,
not every student is considered a homeland security threat. Quite the
opposite.
Many students and faculty members are seen as potential assets. To
exploit these
assets, the Department of Homeland Security has launched its own
curriculum under
its Office of University Programs (OUP), intended, it says, to "foster
a homeland
security culture within the academic community."

The record so far is impressive: DHS has doled out 439 federal
fellowships and scholarships
since 2003, providing full tuition to students who fit "within the
homeland security
research enterprise." Two hundred twenty-seven schools now offer
degree or certificate
programs in "homeland security," a curriculum that encompasses over
1,800 courses.
Along with OUP, some of the key players in creating the homeland
security classroom
are the U.S. Northern Command (Northcom) and the Aerospace Defense
Command, co-founders
of the Homeland Security and Defense Education Consortium.

OUP has also partnered with researchers and laboratories to "align
scientific results
with homeland security priorities." In Fiscal Year 2008 alone, $4.9
billion in federal
funding will go to homeland security-related research. Grants
correspond with 16
research topics selected by DHS, based on presidential directives,
legislation,
and a smattering of scientific advice.

But wait, there's more: DHS has founded and funded six of its very own
"Centers
of Excellence," research facilities that span dozens of universities
from coast
to coast. The latest is a Center of Excellence for the Study of
Violent Radicalization
and Homegrown Terrorism, the funding for which cleared the House in
October. The
Center is mandated to assist a National Commission in combating those
"adopting
or promoting an extremist belief system... to advance political,
religious or social
change."

7. Privatize, privatize, privatize: Of course, homeland security is
not just a department,
nor is it simply a new network of surveillance and data mining -- it's
big business.
(According to USA Today, global homeland-security-style spending had
already reached
$59 billion a year in 2006, a six-fold increase over 2000.)

Not surprisingly, then, universities have, in recent years,
established unprecedented
private-sector partnerships with the corporations that have the most
to gain from
their research. The Department of Homeland Security's on-campus
National Consortium
for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START), for
instance, features
Lockheed Martin on its advisory board. The Center for Food Protection
and Defense
relies on an industry working group that includes Wal-Mart and
McDonald's offering
"guidance and direction," according to its chair.

While vast sums of money are flowing in from these corporate sponsors,
huge payments
are also flowing out into "strategic supplier contracts" with private
contractors,
as universities permanently outsource security operations to big
corporations like
Securitas and AlliedBarton. Little of this money actually goes to
those guarding
the properties, who are often among the most underpaid workers at
universities.
Instead, it fills the corporate coffers of those with little
accountability for
conditions on campus.

Meanwhile, some universities have developed intimate relationships
with private-security
outfits like the notorious Blackwater. Last May, for example, the
University of
Illinois and its police training institute cut a deal with the firm to
share their
facilities and training programs with Blackwater operatives. Local
journalists later
revealed that the director of the campus program at the time was on
the Blackwater
payroll. In the age of hired education, such collaboration is
apparently par for
the course.

Following these seven steps over the past six years, the homeland
security state
and its constituents have come a long way in their drive to remake the
American
campus in the image of a compound on lockdown. Somewhere, inside the
growing homeland
security state that is our country, the next seven steps in the
process are undoubtedly
already being planned out.

Still, the rise of Repress U is not inevitable. The new homeland
security campus
has proven itself unable to shut out public scrutiny or stamp out
resistance to
its latest Orwellian advances. Sometimes, such opposition even yields
a free-speech
zone dismantled, or the Pentagon's TALON de-clawed, or a Project
Strike Back struck
down. A rising tide of student protest, led by groups like the new
Students for
a Democratic Society, has won free-speech victories and reined in
repression from
Pace and Hampton, where the University dropped its threats of
expulsion, to UCLA,
where Tasers will no longer be wielded against passive resisters.

Yet, if the tightening grip of the homeland security complex isn't
loosened, the
latest towers of higher education will be built not of ivory, but of
Kevlar for
the over-armored, over-armed campuses of America.

Michael Gould-Wartofsky is a writer from New York City and a recent
graduate of
the new homeland security campus. He has written for the Nation
Online, Z Magazine,
Common Dreams, and the Harvard Crimson, where he was a columnist and
editor, and
his work has also appeared in Poets Against the War (Nation Books). He
was a recipient
of the New York Times James B. Reston Award for young journalists and
Harvard's
James Gordon Bennett Prize for his writing on collective memory.

This piece is also appearing in the latest issue of the Nation
Magazine.

Copyright 2007 Michael Gould-Wartofsky
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