NOTICIAS (INGLES) :: [SSN] Mexican Department Of Defense Acknowledge UFOs ; #July 4th 2006: The state of US democracy 230 years after the American Revolution ; Put away the flags.

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Sebastián Salado

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Jul 8, 2006, 5:08:20 AM7/8/06

to Contactoglobal@Googlegroups. Com, contactoglobal@eListas. net

-----Mensaje original-----
De: Mi Ang [mailto:mi_...@hotmail.com]
Enviado el: sábado, 08 de julio de 2006 2:04
Para: undisclosed-recipients:
Asunto: [SSN] Mexican Department Of Defense Acknowledge UFOs

[SSN] Mexican Department Of Defense Acknowledge UFOs

5-11-4
The UFO Phenomenon in Mexico has been recognized as a fact in an
historic and unprecedent decision taken by the mexican Department of Defense
under his Secretary of Defense General Clemente Vega Garcia, commander
of all armed forces in this country.
www.rense.com/general52/deff.htm

Mexico's DoD Releases UFO Video And Information
http://www.rense.com/general52/mexv.htm

Mexican Air Force pilots filmed 11 unidentified flying objects in the
skies over southern Campeche state in Mexico in March 2004, a Mexican
Defense Department spokesman confirmed Tuesday. A videotape was made
widely available to the news media.
www.ufoevidence.org/feature/MexicanAirForce.htm

As I stated before, this are official statements which can be reported
to friends as such. So no more questions do ufos exist.

love,
Jay

_________________________________________________________________

-----Mensaje original-----

De: allisone [mailto:alli...@planetaryascension.net]

Enviado el: miércoles, 05 de julio de 2006 0:33

Para: alli...@finestplanet.com

Asunto: [Fwd: #July 4th 2006: The state of US democracy 230 years after

the American Revolution]

FURTHER FOOD FOR THOUGHT

-----Mensaje original-----

De: Zepp [mailto:ze...@finestplanet.com]

Enviado el: martes, 04 de julio de 2006 8:42

Para: 01News

Asunto: #July 4th 2006: The state of US democracy 230 years after the

American Revolution

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2006/jul2006/july-j04.shtml

July 4th 2006: The state of US democracy 230 years after the American Revolution

By Bill Van Auken

4 July 2006

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This July 4 marks the 230th anniversary of the Declaration of

Independence, a document that launched a revolution against colonialism

and despotism, inspiring peoples all over the world. The creation of a

new nation, founded on Enlightenment concepts of democracy, equality and

the rule of law, foreshadowed the French Revolution thirteen years later

and had international reverberations for generations thereafter.

The document signed in 1776 had a profoundly liberating character,

proclaiming the right of the people—not only in America, but

everywhere—to employ revolutionary means to dislodge governments that

trampled on their "unalienable rights."

Those who led the insurrection against the British monarch were quite

conscious of the international implications of their actions and the

world historic significance of the Declaration. As Thomas Jefferson

wrote to John Adams—both, in a poignant and fitting historical

coincidence, were to die on the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of

Independence—"The flames kindled on the Fourth of July, 1776, have

spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble

engines of despotism; on the contrary, they will consume these engines

and all who work them."

The Declaration of Independence was imbued with the ideals of the

Enlightenment and its abhorrence of ignorance, exploitation and

inequality. Marxists, of course, are well aware of the inherent

limitations in realizing these democratic ideals, given the

socio-economic framework within which they developed, characterized in

18th century America by capitalist property relations and chattel

slavery. Yet the democratic content and universal significance of the

opening passages of the Declaration are undeniable:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created

equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable

Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of

Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among

Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, —That

whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is

the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new

Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its

powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their

Safety and Happiness."

Can anyone claim with a straight face that a document containing similar

language would win the approval of either house of today’s US Congress

or escape a veto by the current occupant of the White House? The entire

content of the policies and actions—both foreign and domestic—of those

who now run the American government amounts to a wholesale repudiation

of the ideals and principles of 1776.

Much of the Declaration of Independence consists of a bill of

particulars against King George III that could be appropriated, with

little revision, either for an indictment of the present Republican

administration and its Democratic accomplices on war crimes, or a

document politically justifying the actions of Iraqis now resisting the

US occupation of their country.

The old British king was charged, among other things, with having

"affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the

Civil power," an abuse that has become the hallmark of an administration

in Washington that continuously justifies its arrogation of

unprecedented powers by invoking the president’s status as "commander in

chief."

The declaration accuses the British monarch of "quartering large bodies

of armed troops among us," and "protecting them, by a mock Trial, from

punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants

of these States."

It continues: "He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our

towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

"He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to

complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with

circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most

barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation."

Every word—"plunder," "death," "desolation," "tyranny," "cruelty,"

"perfidy"—applies, and with far greater force today, to Washington’s

brutal conquest and occupation of Iraq.

Two hundred and thirty years after the revolution against British

colonialism that brought it into being, the government of the United

States is waging a colonial war aimed at subjugating the people of Iraq

and appropriating that country’s oil wealth.

In his own defense, King George could at least argue that he was

fighting to preserve an existing empire and defend his rule over lands

and subjects long recognized as British.

The US colonial venture in Iraq, on the other hand, is an unprovoked war

of aggression launched on the basis of lies about non-existent weapons

of mass destruction and terrorist ties. Inevitably, it is producing all

of the horrors and crimes associated with such interventions, with the

soldiers sent to kill and die on the basis of these lies becoming ever

more brutalized, leading to an unending series of war crimes. This

criminal enterprise has turned into a political and even moral

catastrophe, which no section of the political establishment can or will

bring to a halt.

The Declaration of Independence further indicted the British monarch for

"depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury," and

"transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences."

Again, the charges against King George have an eerily contemporaneous

ring, in the context of a US government that has claimed the right to

indefinitely detain without trial or charges those whom it decrees

"enemy combatants," while routinely practicing "extraordinary

rendition," transporting beyond the seas alleged terror suspects, in

this case not for trial but for torture.

In an incisive column published by the /New York Times/ Monday, Brooklyn

College history professor Edwin G. Burrows calls attention to the fate

of American colonists imprisoned by the British in New York City during

the revolution. He estimates that 12,000 or more died due to the

abominable conditions of their confinement, packed into makeshift

prisons in public and private buildings as well as on broken-down ships

in New York harbor, without adequate food or water or any semblance of

sanitation.

He notes that the brutalization of the American insurgents was justified

by the British monarchy on the grounds that they "weren’t soldiers but

‘rebels’ and that defining them as prisoners of war amounted to de facto

recognition of American independence."

The tragic fate of the American prisoners, he points out, gave rise to

the first treaty, signed in 1785 between the newly independent United

States and Prussia, prescribing humane treatment of prisoners of war, a

document that served as a precursor of the Geneva Conventions.

Professor Burrows concludes by noting that even if such a treaty had

been in effect earlier, it might not have saved the American prisoners.

"Britain was the world’s superpower in those days, as the United States

is now, and if King George didn’t want to treat the ‘rebel’ prisoners

humanely, only principle and conscience stood in his way."

The historian apparently did not feel a need to spell out the

implications of his remarks. The parallels with George W. Bush’s use of

the term "enemy combatant" to override the Geneva Conventions, deny

minimal rights demanded by international law to those captured in

Washington’s "global war on terror," and even justify their torture are

all too obvious.

The nation’s revolutionary founders subsequently spelled out the

"unalienable rights" of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" in

the Bill of Rights, guaranteeing freedom of speech, religion, the press

and assembly, freedom from detention without trial, and freedom from

arbitrary searches and seizure.

The gangsters who now control the government are attempting to reverse

all of these centuries-old democratic rights, engaging in massive and

illegal spying operations against virtually the entire American public

in a wholesale repudiation of the Constitution’s Fourth Amendment.

The administration has answered the media’s limited exposure of some of

these crimes with a campaign of naked intimidation, its prominent

Republican supporters in Congress accusing individual newspapers of

"treason" and demanding criminal sanctions. The sinister rationale is

that the "global war on terror" has rendered freedom of the press—like

so many other basic democratic rights associated with 1776—inoperable.

What is being constructed—with little opposition from within the

political establishment—is a presidential dictatorship, free from any of

the checks and balances that the American republic’s founders enshrined

in the Constitution, and in direct opposition to the fundamental

principle enunciated in the Declaration of Independence that the

government must derive its "just powers from the consent of the governed."

Congress has supplemented the executive branch’s assault on democratic

rights with a grotesque drive to amend the US Constitution with

reactionary and undemocratic measures ranging from a ban on gay marriage

to the criminalization of flag burning.

In an attempt to appeal to the most backward sentiments, the Republican

right is waging a full-scale war on the secularist foundations of the

American revolution and its assertion of freedom not only of religion,

but also from religion, as embodied in the separation of church and

state spelled out plainly in the First Amendment. There are myriad

attempts to legislate religious bigotry and curtail the development of

science in relation to everything from global warming to stem cell

research and the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases.

The contradiction between the democratic ideals of the revolution and

the social, political and economic realities of American society has

never been sharper.

Underlying this ever-widening gulf between ideals and reality is the

unprecedented social polarization between a narrow layer of the

financial-corporate elite and the American working class—the

overwhelming majority of the population. The former controls both major

parties and all of the institutions of government, while the latter is

in practice politically disenfranchised.

The ruling elite of billionaires and multi-millionaires uses its grip on

government to repudiate all policies aimed at ameliorating social

deprivation and inequality through programs addressing poverty, health

care, education, etc. All such measures are rejected as intolerable

impediments to the unrestricted accumulation of personal wealth.

Instead, those confronting socially created catastrophes are told to

rely on the philanthropic largesse of billionaires like Bill Gates and

Warren Buffett.

It is impossible to reconcile the democratic principles contained in

America’s founding documents with the uninterrupted deepening of social

and economic inequality. The underlying social tensions created by this

polarization must inevitably find their expression in social and

political struggles involving masses of working people, who are becoming

increasingly alienated from and hostile to a government that is run

exclusively by and for the super-rich.

On July 4, 2006, it is appropriate to recall once again the affirmation

in the Declaration of Independence of the people’s right to "alter or

abolish" any government that abrogates their "unalienable rights," and

to replace it with a new system that "to them shall seem most likely to

effect their safety and happiness."

The Socialist Equality Party looks forward confidently to the day when

American working people will exercise this universal right, uniting with

workers all over the world in a new revolution that will put an end to

war, poverty and oppression, establishing a socialist society organized

to meet the needs of the majority rather than the profit interests of a

ruling elite.