21.11.2020 17:28, Mikhail Kimmelman пишет:
За яйца Гитлер Гинденбурга не брал. За яйца его взяла демократия.
Чтобы сформировать правительство Гинденбургу пришлось назначить Гитлера
канцлером поскольку нацисты были крупнейшей партией в Рейхстаге.
To break the stalemate, Hindenburg proposed Hitler as chancellor, Papen
as vice-chancellor and Reich commissioner of Prussia, and Göring as
Prussian interior minister (who controlled the police). Two other
cabinet ministers would be Nazis, the remaining eight would be from
other parties. When Hindenburg met with Hitler, Papen would always be
present. The new cabinet included only three Nazis: Hitler, Göring and
Wilhelm Frick. Besides Hitler, Frick was the only Nazi with a portfolio;
he held the nearly powerless Interior Ministry (unlike the rest of
Europe, at the time the Interior Ministry had no power over the police,
which was the responsibility of the Länder). Göring did not receive a
portfolio, but critically was made Prussian interior minister,
controlling the largest police force in which he promoted Nazis as
commanders. Blomberg was Reichswehr minister, Hugenberg was both
economics and agriculture minister, and Seldte (the leader of the first
World War ex-servicemen's organization Der Stahlhelm) was labor
minister. The other ministers were holdovers from the Papen and
Schleicher cabinets.
Hitler's first act as chancellor was to ask Hindenburg to dissolve the
Reichstag, so that the Nazis and Deutschnationale Volkspartei ("German
Nationalists" or DNVP) could win an outright majority to pass the
Enabling Act that would give the new government power to rule by decree,
supposedly for the next four years. Unlike laws passed by Article 48,
which could be cancelled by a majority in the Reichstag, under the
Enabling Act the Chancellor could pass laws by decree that could not be
cancelled by a vote in the Reichstag. Hindenburg agreed to this request.
In early February 1933, Papen asked for and received an Article 48 bill
signed into law that sharply limited freedom of the press. After the
Reichstag fire on 27 February, Hindenburg, at Hitler's urging, signed
into law the Reichstag Fire Decree via Article 48, which effectively
suspended all civil liberties in Germany. Göring as Prussian Interior
Minister had enlisted thousands of Sturmabteilung (SA) men as auxiliary
policemen, who attacked political opponents of the Nazis, with
Communists and Social Democrats being singled out for particular abuse.
Fritz Schäffer, a conservative Catholic and a leading politician of the
Bavarian People's Party met Hindenburg on 17 February 1933 to complain
about the ongoing campaign of terror against the SPD.[170] Schäffer told
Hindenburg:
We reject the notion that millions of Germans are not to be designated
as national. The socialists served in the trenches and will serve in the
trenches again. They voted for the banner of Hindenburg... I know many
socialists who have earned acclaim for their service to Germany; I need
only mention the name of Ebert.[171]
Hindenburg, who had always hated the Social Democrats, rejected
Schäffer's appeal, saying that the SPD were "traitors" who had "stabbed
the Fatherland in the back" in 1918, and who could never belong to the
volksgemeinschaft. Therefore, the Nazis had his full support in their
campaign against the Social Democrats.[171]
Hindenburg disliked Hitler, but he approved of his efforts to create the
To break the stalemate, Hindenburg proposed Hitler as chancellor, Papen
as vice-chancellor and Reich commissioner of Prussia, and Göring as
Prussian interior minister (who controlled the police). Two other
cabinet ministers would be Nazis, the remaining eight would be from
other parties. When Hindenburg met with Hitler, Papen would always be
present. The new cabinet included only three Nazis: Hitler, Göring and
Wilhelm Frick. Besides Hitler, Frick was the only Nazi with a portfolio;
he held the nearly powerless Interior Ministry (unlike the rest of
Europe, at the time the Interior Ministry had no power over the police,
which was the responsibility of the Länder). Göring did not receive a
portfolio, but critically was made Prussian interior minister,
controlling the largest police force in which he promoted Nazis as
commanders. Blomberg was Reichswehr minister, Hugenberg was both
economics and agriculture minister, and Seldte (the leader of the first
World War ex-servicemen's organization Der Stahlhelm) was labor
minister. The other ministers were holdovers from the Papen and
Schleicher cabinets.
Hitler's first act as chancellor was to ask Hindenburg to dissolve the
Reichstag, so that the Nazis and Deutschnationale Volkspartei ("German
Nationalists" or DNVP) could win an outright majority to pass the
Enabling Act that would give the new government power to rule by decree,
supposedly for the next four years. Unlike laws passed by Article 48,
which could be cancelled by a majority in the Reichstag, under the
Enabling Act the Chancellor could pass laws by decree that could not be
cancelled by a vote in the Reichstag. Hindenburg agreed to this request.
In early February 1933, Papen asked for and received an Article 48 bill
signed into law that sharply limited freedom of the press. After the
Reichstag fire on 27 February, Hindenburg, at Hitler's urging, signed
into law the Reichstag Fire Decree via Article 48, which effectively
suspended all civil liberties in Germany. Göring as Prussian Interior
Minister had enlisted thousands of Sturmabteilung (SA) men as auxiliary
policemen, who attacked political opponents of the Nazis, with
Communists and Social Democrats being singled out for particular abuse.
Fritz Schäffer, a conservative Catholic and a leading politician of the
Bavarian People's Party met Hindenburg on 17 February 1933 to complain
about the ongoing campaign of terror against the SPD.[170] Schäffer told
Hindenburg:
We reject the notion that millions of Germans are not to be designated
as national. The socialists served in the trenches and will serve in the
trenches again. They voted for the banner of Hindenburg... I know many
socialists who have earned acclaim for their service to Germany; I need
only mention the name of Ebert.[171]
Hindenburg, who had always hated the Social Democrats, rejected
Schäffer's appeal, saying that the SPD were "traitors" who had "stabbed
the Fatherland in the back" in 1918, and who could never belong to the
volksgemeinschaft. Therefore, the Nazis had his full support in their
campaign against the Social Democrats.[171]
Hindenburg disliked Hitler, but he approved of his efforts to create the
volksgemeinschaft.[171] For Hindenburg, the "Government of National
Concentration" headed by Hitler was the fulfillment of what he had been
seeking since 1914, the creation of the volksgemeinschaft.[171] Despite
the ensuing anti-red hysteria, the Nazis received only 44% of the vote,
though with the support of the DNVP they had a majority in the
Reichstag..[171] For Hindenburg, the "Government of National
Concentration" headed by Hitler was the fulfillment of what he had been
seeking since 1914, the creation of the volksgemeinschaft.[171] Despite
the ensuing anti-red hysteria, the Nazis received only 44% of the vote,
though with the support of the DNVP they had a majority in the Reichstag.
Nazi Volksgemeinschaft
In the aftermath of the November Revolution of 1918 that marked the end
of the German Empire and the beginning of the Weimar Republic, there was
strong animosity amongst many Germans towards the Weimar Republic and
the social democrats who sponsored its creation.[3] This was combined
with anxiety in the 1930s and with the severe economic crisis in Germany
and abroad, in which many Germans faced unemployment.[3] This situation
resulted in increasing popularity for the Nazi Party, including amongst
workers who desired a government that would resolve the economic
crisis.[9] While ascending to power, Hitler promised to restore faith in
the Volk and to bring wholeness while accusing other politicians of
tearing at German unity.[10]
Upon rising to power in 1933, the Nazis sought to gain support of
various elements of society. Their concept of Volksgemeinschaft was
racially unified and organized hierarchically.[11] This involved a
mystical unity, a form of racial soul uniting all Germans,[12] including
those living abroad.[13] Nevertheless, this soul was regarded as related
to the land, in the doctrine of "blood and soil".[12] Indeed, one reason
for "blood and soil" was the belief that landowner and peasant lived in
an organic harmony.[14] Aryan Germans who had sexual relations with
non-Germanics were excluded from the people's community.[15]
The Nazis solidified support amongst nationalists and conservatives by
presenting themselves as allied with President Paul von Hindenburg who
was considered a war hero of World War I in Germany.[16] The Nazis
sought to gain support of workers by declaring May Day, a day celebrated
by organized labour, to be a paid holiday and held celebrations on 1 May
1933 to honour German workers.[17] The Nazis stressed that Germany must
honour its workers.[18] Hitler often praised the virtues of labor,
declaring in Völkischer Beobachter that "I only acknowledge one
nobility—that of labour."[19]
The regime believed that the only way to avoid a repeat of the disaster
of 1918 was to secure workers' support for the German government.[17]
The regime also insisted through propaganda that all Germans take part
in the May Day celebrations in the hope that this would help break down
class hostility between workers and burghers.[18] Songs in praise of
labour and workers were played by state radio throughout May Day as well
as an airshow in Berlin and fireworks.[18] Hitler spoke of workers as
patriots who had built Germany's industrial strength and had honourably
served in the war and claimed that they had been oppressed under
economic liberalism.[20] Berliner Morgenpost that had been strongly
associated with the political left in the past praised the regime's May
Day celebrations.[20]
Bonfires were made of school children's differently colored caps as
symbolic of the abolition of class differences.[21]
The Nazis continued social welfare policies initiated by the governments
of the Weimar Republic and mobilized volunteers to assist those
impoverished, "racially-worthy" Germans through the National Socialist
People's Welfare organization.[22] This organization oversaw charitable
activities, and became the largest civic organization in Nazi
Germany.[22] Successful efforts were made to get middle-class women
involved in social work assisting large families.[21] The Winter Relief
campaigns acted as a ritual to generate public feeling.[23]
The volksgemeinschaft was intended to create a sense of equality amongst
its members; Fritz Reinhardt, state secretary for the finance ministry,
introduced numerous tax breaks for lower and middle class Germans,
narrowed pension gaps between blue and white collar workers, and lowered
the entrance standards for civil service exams. The ubiquitous uniforms
within Nazi organisations were intended to suppress visible class
differences in dress and create an appearance of equality. Between 1933
and 1939, upward mobility was twice as likely as between 1927 and 1933.
The Second World War assisted in this, as social status and class did
not affect whether one received Reich services. Wartime rationing was
implemented in an egalitarian manner, which greatly pleased the working
class - a secret wartime report by the Social Democrats stated that "the
working classes thoroughly welcome the fact that "the better off" have,
in practical terms, ceased to be that."[24]