On Aug 15, 12:30 pm, "Eddie Haskell" <
gg...@sdpfifrm.com> wrote:
> "BeamMeUpScotty" <
ThenDestroyEveryth...@blackhole.nebulax.com> wrote in
> messagenews:gGQWr.218204$iq1....@en-nntp-12.dc1.easynews.com...
Once in power, Hitler showed his true colors by promptly breaking all
his promises to workers. The Nazis abolished trade unions, collective
bargaining and the right to strike. An organization called the "Labor
Front" replaced the old trade unions, but it was an instrument of the
Nazi party and did not represent workers. According to the law that
created it, "Its task is to see that every individual should be able…
to perform the maximum of work." Workers would indeed greatly boost
their productivity under Nazi rule. But they also became exploited.
Between 1932 and 1936, workers wages fell, from 20.4 to 19.5 cents an
hour for skilled labor, and from 16.1 to 13 cents an hour for
unskilled labor. (3) Yet workers did not protest. This was partly
because the Nazis had restored order to the economy, but an even
bigger reason was that the Nazis would have cracked down on any
protest.
http://www.stumbleupon.com/su/7EugaH/www.huppi.com/kangaroo/L-hitler.htm
Myth: Hitler was a leftist.
Fact: Nearly all of Hitler's beliefs
placed him on the far right.
Summary
Many conservatives accuse
Hitler of being a leftist, on the grounds that his party was named
"National Socialist." But socialism requires worker ownership and
control of the means of production. In Nazi Germany, private
capitalist individuals owned the means of production, and they in turn
were frequently controlled by the Nazi party and state. True socialism
does not advocate such economic dictatorship -- it can only be
democratic. Hitler's other political beliefs place him almost always
on the far right. He advocated racism over racial tolerance, eugenics
over freedom of reproduction, merit over equality, competition over
cooperation, power politics and militarism over pacifism, dictatorship
over democracy, capitalism over Marxism, realism over idealism,
nationalism over internationalism, exclusiveness over inclusiveness,
common sense over theory or science, pragmatism over principle, and
even held friendly relations with the Church, even though he was an
atheist.
Argument
To most people, Hitler's beliefs belong to the
extreme far right. For example, most conservatives believe in
patriotism and a strong military; carry these beliefs far enough, and
you arrive at Hitler's warring nationalism. This association has long
been something of an embarrassment to the far right. To deflect such
criticism, conservatives have recently launched a counter-attack,
claiming that Hitler was a socialist, and therefore belongs to the
political left, not the right.
The primary basis for this claim is
that Hitler was a National Socialist. The word "National" evokes the
state, and the word "Socialist" openly identifies itself as such.
However, there is no academic controversy over the status of this
term: it was a misnomer. Misnomers are quite common in the history of
political labels. Examples include the German Democratic Republic
(which was neither) and Vladimir Zhirinovsky's "Liberal Democrat"
party (which was also neither). The true question is not whether
Hitler called his party "socialist," but whether or not it actually
was.
In fact, socialism has never been tried at the national level
anywhere in the world. This may surprise some people -- after all,
wasn't the Soviet Union socialist? The answer is no. Many nations and
political parties have called themselves "socialist," but none have
actually tried socialism. To understand why, we should revisit a few
basic political terms.
Perhaps the primary concern of any political
ideology is who gets to own and control the means the production. This
includes factories, farmlands, machinery, etc. Generally there have
been three approaches to this question. The first was aristocracy, in
which a ruling elite owned the land and productive wealth, and
peasants and serfs had to obey their orders in return for their
livelihood. The second is capitalism, which has disbanded the ruling
elite and allows a much broader range of private individuals to own
the means of production. However, this ownership is limited to those
who can afford to buy productive wealth; nearly all workers are
excluded. The third (and untried) approach is socialism, where
everyone owns and controls the means of production, by means of the
vote. As you can see, there is a spectrum here, ranging from a few
people owning productive wealth at one end, to everyone owning it at
the other.
Socialism has been proposed in many forms. The most common
is social democracy, where workers vote for their supervisors, as well
as their industry representatives to regional or national congresses.
Another proposed form is anarcho-socialism, where workers own
companies that would operate on a free market, without any central
government at all. As you can see, a central planning committee is
hardly a necessary feature of socialism. The primary feature is worker
ownership of production.
The Soviet Union failed to qualify as
socialist because it was a dictatorship over workers -- that is, a
type of aristocracy, with a ruling elite in Moscow calling all the
shots. Workers cannot own or control anything under a totalitarian
government. In variants of socialism that call for a central
government, that government is always a strong or even direct
democracy… never a dictatorship. It doesn't matter if the dictator
claims to be carrying out the will of the people, or calls himself a
"socialist" or a "democrat." If the people themselves are not in
control, then the system is, by definition, non-democratic and non-
socialist.
And what of Nazi Germany? The idea that workers
controlled the means of production in Nazi Germany is a bitter joke.
It was actually a combination of aristocracy and capitalism.
Technically, private businessmen owned and controlled the means of
production. The Nazi "Charter of Labor" gave employers complete power
over their workers. It established the employer as the "leader of the
enterprise," and read: "The leader of the enterprise makes the
decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the
enterprise." (1)
The employer, however, was subject to the frequent
orders of the ruling Nazi elite. After the Nazis took power in 1933,
they quickly established a highly controlled war economy under the
direction of Dr. Hjalmar Schacht. Like all war economies, it boomed,
making Germany the second nation to recover fully from the Great
Depression, in 1936. (The first nation was Sweden, in 1934. Following
Keynesian-like policies, the Swedish government spent its way out of
the Depression, proving that state economic policies can be successful
without resorting to dictatorship or war.)
Prior to the Nazi seizure
of power in 1933, worker protests had spread all across Germany in
response to the Great Depression. During his drive to power, Hitler
exploited this social unrest by promising workers to strengthen their
labor unions and increase their standard of living. But these were
empty promises; privately, he was reassuring wealthy German
businessmen that he would crack down on labor once he achieved power.
Historian William Shirer describes the Nazi's dual strategy:
• "The party had to play both sides of the tracks. It had to allow
[Nazi officials] Strasser, Goebbels and the crank Feder to beguile the
masses with the cry that the National Socialists were truly
'socialists' and against the money barons. On the other hand, money to
keep the party going had to be wheedled out of those who had an ample
supply of it." (2)
Once in power, Hitler showed his true colors by promptly breaking all
his promises to workers. The Nazis abolished trade unions, collective
bargaining and the right to strike. An organization called the "Labor
Front" replaced the old trade unions, but it was an instrument of the
Nazi party and did not represent workers. According to the law that
created it, "Its task is to see that every individual should be able…
to perform the maximum of work." Workers would indeed greatly boost
their productivity under Nazi rule. But they also became exploited.
Between 1932 and 1936, workers wages fell, from 20.4 to 19.5 cents an
hour for skilled labor, and from 16.1 to 13 cents an hour for
unskilled labor. (3) Yet workers did not protest. This was partly
because the Nazis had restored order to the economy, but an even
bigger reason was that the Nazis would have cracked down on any
protest.
There was no part of Nazism, therefore, that even remotely resembled
socialism. But what about the political nature of Nazism in general?
Did it belong to the left, or to the right? Let's take a closer look:
The politics of Nazism
The political right is popularly associated with the following
principles. Of course, it goes without saying that these are
generalizations, and not every person on the far right believes in
every principle, or disbelieves its opposite. Most people's political
beliefs are complex, and cannot be neatly pigeonholed. This is as true
of Hitler as anyone. But since the far right is trying peg Hitler as a
leftist, it's worth reviewing the tenets popularly associated with the
right. These include:
• Individualism over collectivism.
• Racism or racial segregation over racial tolerance.
• Eugenics over freedom of reproduction.
• Merit over equality.
• Competition over cooperation.
• Power politics and militarism over pacifism.
• One-person rule or self-rule over democracy.
• Capitalism over Marxism.
• Realism over idealism.
• Nationalism over internationalism.
• Exclusiveness over inclusiveness.
• Meat-eating over vegetarianism.
• Gun ownership over gun control
• Common sense over theory or science.
• Pragmatism over principle.
• Religion over secularism.
Let's review these spectrums one by one, and see where Hitler stood in
his own words. Ultimately, Hitler's views are not monolithically
conservative -- on a few issues, his views are complex and difficult
to label. But as you will see, the vast majority of them belong on the
far right:
Individualism over collectivism.
Many conservatives argue that Hitler was a leftist because he
subjugated the individual to the state. However, this characterization
is wrong, for several reasons.
The first error is in assuming that this is exclusively a liberal
trait. Actually, U.S. conservatives take considerable pride in being
patriotic Americans, and they deeply honor those who have sacrificed
their lives for their country. The Marine Corps is a classic example:
as every Marine knows, all sense of individuality is obliterated in
the Marines Corps, and one is subject first, foremost and always to
the group.
The second error is forgetting that all human beings subscribe to
individualism and collectivism. If you believe that you are personally
responsible for taking care of yourself, you are an individualist. If
you freely belong and contribute to any group -- say, an employing
business, church, club, family, nation, or cause -- then you are a
collectivist as well. Neither of these traits makes a person
inherently "liberal" or "conservative," and to claim that you are an
"evil socialist" because you champion a particular group is not a
serious argument.
Political scientists therefore do not label people "liberal" or
"conservative" on the basis of their individualism or collectivism.
Much more important is how they approach their individualism and
collectivism. What groups does a person belong to? How is power
distributed in the group? Does it practice one-person rule, minority
rule, majority rule, or self-rule? Liberals believe in majority rule.
Hitler practiced one-person rule. Thus, there is no comparison.
And on that score, conservatives might feel that they are off the
hook, too, because they claim to prefer self-rule to one-person rule.
But their actions say otherwise. Many of the institutions that
conservatives favor are really quite dictatorial: the military, the
church, the patriarchal family, the business firm.
Hitler himself downplayed all groups except for the state, which he
raised to supreme significance in his writings. However, he did not
identify the state as most people do, as a random collection of people
in artificially drawn borders. Instead, he identified the German state
as its racially pure stock of German or Aryan blood. In Mein Kampf,
Hitler freely and interchangeably used the terms "Aryan race," "German
culture" and "folkish state." To him they were synonyms, as the quotes
below show. There were citizens inside Germany (like Jews) who were
not part of Hitler's state, while there were Germans outside Germany
(for example, in Austria) who were. But the main point is that
Hitler's political philosophy was not really based on "statism" as we
know it today. It was actually based on racism -- again, a subject
that hits uncomfortably closer to home for conservatives, not
liberals.
As Hitler himself wrote:
"The main plank in the Nationalist Socialist program is to abolish the
liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of
humanity and to substitute for them the folk community, rooted in the
soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood." (4)
"The state is a means to an end. Its end lies in the preservation and
advancement of a community of physically and psychically homogenous
creatures. This preservation itself comprises first of all existence
as a race… Thus, the highest purpose of a folkish state is concern for
the preservation of those original racial elements which bestow
culture and create the beauty and dignity of a higher mankind. We, as
Aryans, can conceive of the state only as the living organism of a
nationality which… assures the preservation of this nationality…" (5)
"The German Reich as a state must embrace all Germans and has the
task, not only of assembling and preserving the most valuable stocks
of basic racial elements in this people, but slowly and surely of
raising them to a dominant position." (6)
And it was in the service of this racial state that Hitler encourage
individuals to sacrifice themselves:
"In [the Aryan], the instinct for self-preservation has reached its
noblest form, since he willingly subordinates his own ego to the life
of the community and, if the hour demands it, even sacrifices it." (7)
"This state of mind, which subordinates the interests of the ego to
the conservation of the community, is really the first premise for
every truly human culture." (8)
Racism or racial segregation over racial tolerance.
"All the human culture, all the results of art, science, and
technology that we see before us today, are almost exclusively the
creative product of the Aryan." (9)
"Aryan races -- often absurdly small numerically -- subject foreign
peoples, and then… develop the intellectual and organizational
capacities dormant within them." (10)
"If beginning today all further Aryan influence on Japan should stop…
Japan's present rise in science and technology might continue for a
short time; but even in a few years the well would dry up… the present
culture would freeze and sink back into the slumber from which it
awakened seven decades ago by the wave of Aryan culture." (11)
"Every racial crossing leads inevitably sooner or later to the decline
of the hybrid product…" (12)
"It is the function above all of the Germanic states first and
foremost to call a fundamental halt to any further
bastardization." (13)
"What we must fight for is to safeguard the existence and reproduction
of our race and our people, the sustenance of our children and the
purity of our blood…" (14)
Eugenics over freedom of reproduction
"The folkish philosophy of life must succeed in bringing about that
nobler age in which men no longer are concerned with breeding dogs,
horses, and cats, but in elevating man himself…" (15)
"The folkish state must make up for what everyone else today has
neglected in this field. It must set race in the center of all life.
It must take care to keep it pure… It must see to it that only the
healthy beget children; that there is only one disgrace: despite one's
own sickness and deficiencies, to bring children into the world, and
one highest honor: to renounce doing so. And conversely it must be
considered reprehensible: to withhold healthy children from the
nation. Here the state… must put the most modern medical means in the
service of this knowledge. It must declare unfit for propagation all
who are in any way visibly sick or who have inherited a disease and
therefore pass it on…" (16)
Merit over equality.
"The best state constitution and state form is that which, with the
most unquestioned certainty, raises the best minds in the national
community to leading position and leading influence. But as in
economic life, the able men cannot be appointed from above, but must
struggle through for themselves…" (17)
"It must not be lamented if so many men set out on the road to arrive
at the same goal: the most powerful and swiftest will in this way be
recognized, and will be the victor." (p. 512.)
Competition over cooperation.
"Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to
fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live." (18)
"It must never be forgotten that nothing that is really great in this
world has ever been achieved by coalitions, but that it has always
been the success of a single victor. Coalition successes bear by the
very nature of their origin the germ of future crumbling, in fact of
the loss of what has already been achieved. Great, truly world-shaking
revolutions of a spiritual nature are not even conceivable and
realizable except as the titanic struggles of individual formations,
never as enterprises of coalitions." (19)
"The idea of struggle is old as life itself, for life is only
preserved because other living things perish through struggle… In this
struggle, the stronger, the more able, win, while the less able, the
weak, lose. Struggle is the father of all things… It is not by the
principles of humanity that man lives or is able to preserve himself
in the animal world, but solely by means of the most brutal struggle…
If you do not fight for life, then life will never be won." (20)
Power politics and militarism over pacifism.
Allan Bullock, probably the world's greatest Hitler historian, sums up
Hitler's political method in one sentence:
"Stripped of their romantic trimmings, all Hitler's ideas can be
reduced to a simple claim for power which recognizes only one
relationship, that of domination, and only one argument, that of
force." (21)
The following quotes by Hitler portray his rather stunning contempt
for pacifism:
"If the German people in its historic development had possessed that
herd unity [defined here by Hitler as racial solidarity] which other
peoples enjoyed, the German Reich today would doubtless be mistress of
the globe. World history would have taken a different course, and no
one can distinguish whether in this way we would not have obtained
what so many blinded pacifists today hope to gain by begging, whining
and whimpering: a peace, supported not by the palm branches of
tearful, pacifist female mourners, but based on the victorious sword
of a master people, putting the world into the service of a higher
culture." (22)
"We must clearly recognize the fact that the recovery of the lost
territories is not won through solemn appeals to the Lord or through
pious hopes in a League of Nations, but only by force of arms." (23)
"In actual fact the pacifistic-humane idea is perfectly all right
perhaps when the highest type of man has previously conquered and
subjected the world to an extent that makes him the sole ruler of this
earth… Therefore, first struggle and then perhaps pacifism." (24)
One-person rule or self-rule over democracy.
"The young [Nazi] movement is in its nature and inner organization
anti-parliamentarian; that is, it rejects… a principle of majority
rule in which the leader is degraded to the level of mere executant of
other people's wills and opinion." (25)
"The [Nazi party] should not become a constable of public opinion, but
must dominate it. It must not become a servant of the masses, but
their master!" (26)
"By rejecting the authority of the individual and replacing it by the
numbers of some momentary mob, the parliamentary principle of majority
rule sins against the basic aristocratic principle of Nature…" (27)
"For there is one thing we must never forget… the majority can never
replace the man. And no more than a hundred empty heads make one wise
man will an heroic decision arise from a hundred cowards." (28)
"There must be no majority decisions, but only responsible persons,
and the word 'council' must be restored to its original meaning.
Surely every man will have advisers by his side, but the decision will
be made by one man." (29)
"When I recognized the Jew as the leader of the Social Democracy, the
scales dropped from my eyes." (30)
"The Western democracy of today is the forerunner of Marxism…" (31)
"Only a knowledge of the Jews provides the key with which to
comprehend the inner, and consequently real, aims of Social
Democracy." (32)
Capitalism over Marxism.
Bullock writes of Hitler's views on Marxism:
"While Hitler's attitude towards liberalism was one of contempt,
towards Marxism he showed an implacable hostility… Ignoring the
profound differences between Communism and Social Democracy in
practice and the bitter hostility between the rival working class
parties, he saw in their common ideology the embodiment of all that he
detested -- mass democracy and a leveling egalitarianism as opposed to
the authoritarian state and the rule of an elite; equality and
friendship among peoples as opposed to racial inequality and the
domination of the strong; class solidarity versus national unity;
internationalism versus nationalism." (33)
As Hitler himself would write:
"The German state is gravely attacked by Marxism." (34)
"In the years 1913 and 1914, I… expressed the conviction that the
question of the future of the German nation was the question of
destroying Marxism." (35)
"In the economic sphere Communism is analogous to democracy in the
political sphere." (36)
"The Marxists will march with democracy until they succeed in
indirectly obtaining for their criminal aims the support of even the
national intellectual world, destined by them for extinction." (37)
"Marxism itself systematically plans to hand the world over to the
Jews." (38)
"The Jewish doctrine of Marxism rejects the aristocratic principle of
Nature and replaces the eternal privilege of power and strength by the
mass of numbers and their dead weight." (39)
Realism over idealism.
Hitler was hardly an "idealist" in the sense that political scientists
use the term. The standard definition of an idealist is someone who
believes that cooperation and peaceful coexistence can occur among
peoples. A realist, however, is someone who sees the world as an
unstable and dangerous place, and prepares for war, if not to deter
it, then to survive it. It goes without saying that Hitler was one of
the greatest realists of all time. Nonetheless, Hitler had his own
twisted utopia, which he described:
"We are not simple enough, either, to believe that it could ever be
possible to bring about a perfect era. But this relieves no one of the
obligation to combat recognized errors, to overcome weaknesses, and
strive for the ideal. Harsh reality of its own accord will create only
too many limitations. For that very reason, however, man must try to
serve the ultimate goal, and failures must not deter him, any more
than he can abandon a system of justice merely because mistakes creep
into it…" (40)
"The same boy who feels like throwing up when he hears the tirades of
a pacifist 'idealist' is ready to give up his life for the ideal of
his nationality." (41)
Nationalism over internationalism.
"The nationalization of our masses will succeed only when… their
international poisoners are exterminated." (42)
"The severest obstacle to the present-day worker's approach to the
national community lies not in the defense of his class interests, but
in his international leadership and attitude which are hostile to the
people and the fatherland." (43)
"Thus, the reservoir from which the young [Nazi] movement must gather
its supporters will primarily be the masses of our workers. Its work
will be to tear these away from the international delusion… and lead
them to the national community…" (44)
Exclusiveness over inclusiveness.
"Thus men without exception wander about in the garden of Nature; they
imagine that they know practically everything and yet with few
exceptions pass blindly by one of the most patent principles of
Nature: the inner segregation of the species of all living beings on
earth." (45)
"The greatness of every mighty organization embodying an idea in this
world lies in the religious fanaticism and intolerance with which,
fanatically convinced of its own right, it intolerantly imposes its
will against all others." (46)
Meat-eating over vegetarianism.
It may seem ridiculous to include this issue in a review of Hitler's
politics, but, believe it or not, conservatives on the Internet
frequently equate Hitler's vegetarianism with the vegetarianism
practised by liberals concerned about the environment and the ethical
treatment of animals.
Hitler's vegetarianism had nothing to do with his political beliefs.
He became a vegetarian shortly after the death of his girlfriend and
half-niece, Geli Raubal. Their relationship was a stormy one, and it
ended in her apparent suicide. There were rumors that Hitler had
arranged her murder, but Hitler would remain deeply distraught over
her loss for the rest of his life. As one historian writes:
"Curiously, shortly after her death, Hitler looked with disdain on a
piece of ham being served during breakfast and refused to eat it,
saying it was like eating a corpse. From that moment on, he refused to
eat meat." (47)
Hitler's vegetarianism, then, was no more than a phobia, triggered by
an association with his niece's death.
Gun ownership over gun control
Perhaps one of the pro-gun lobby's favorite arguments is that if
German citizens had had the right to keep and bear arms, Hitler would
have never been able to tyrannize the country. And to this effect, pro-
gun advocates often quote the following:
"1935 will go down in history. For the first time, a civilized nation
has full gun registration. Our streets will be safer, our police more
efficient, and the world will follow our lead into the future." -
Adolf Hitler
However, this quote is almost certainly a fraud. There is no reputable
record of him ever making it: neither at the Nuremberg rallies, nor in
any of his weekly radio addresses. Furthermore, there was no reason
for him to even make such a statement; for Germany already had strict
gun control as a term of surrender in the Treaty of Versailles. The
Allies had wanted to make Germany as impotent as possible, and one of
the ways they did that was to disarm its citizenry. Only a handful of
local authorities were allowed arms at all, and the few German
citizens who did possess weapons were already subject to full gun
registration. Seen in this light, the above quote makes no sense
whatsoever.
The Firearms Policy Journal (January 1997) writes:
"The Nazi Party did not ride to power confiscating guns. They rode to
power on the inability of the Weimar Republic to confiscate their
guns. They did not consolidate their power confiscating guns either.
There is no historical evidence that Nazis ever went door to door in
Germany confiscating guns. The Germans had a fetish about paperwork
and documented everything. These searches and confiscations would have
been carefully recorded. If the documents are there, let them be
presented as evidence."
On April 12, 1928, five years before Hitler seized power, Germany
passed the Law on Firearms and Ammunition. This law substantially
tightened restrictions on gun ownership in an effort to curb street
violence between Nazis and Communists. The law was ineffectual and
poorly enforced. It was not until March 18, 1938 -- five years after
Hitler came to power -- that the Nazis passed the German Weapons Law,
their first known change in the firearm code. And this law actually
relaxed restrictions on citizen firearms.
Common sense over theory or science.
Hitler was notorious for his anti-intellectualism:
"The youthful brain should in general not be burdened with things
ninety-five percent of which it cannot use and hence forgets again… In
many cases, the material to be learned in the various subjects is so
swollen that only a fraction of it remains in the head of the
individual pupil, and only a fraction of this abundance can find
application, while on the other hand it is not adequate for the man
working and earning his living in a definite field." (48)
"Knowledge above the average can be crammed into the average man, but
it remains dead, and in the last analysis sterile knowledge. The
result is a man who may be a living dictionary but nevertheless falls
down miserably in all special situations and decisive moments in
life." (49)
"The folkish state must not adjust its entire educational work
primarily to the inoculation of mere knowledge, but to the breeding of
absolutely healthy bodies. The training of mental abilities is only
secondary. And here again, first place must be taken by the
development of character, especially the promotion of will-power and
determination, combined with the training of joy in responsibility,
and only in last place comes scientific schooling." (50)
"A people of scholars, if they are physically degenerate, weak-willed
and cowardly pacifists, will not storm the heavens, indeed, they will
not be able to safeguard their existence on this earth." (51)
Pragmatism over principle.
"The question of the movement's inner organization is one of
expediency and not of principle." (52)
Religion over secularism.
Hitler's views on religion were complex. Although ostensibly an
atheist, he considered himself a cultural Catholic, and frequently
evoked God, the Creator and Providence in his writings. Throughout his
life he would remain an envious admirer of the Christian Church and
its power over the masses. Here is but one example:
"We can learn by the example of the Catholic Church. Though its
doctrinal edifice… comes into collision with exact science and
research, it is none the less unwilling to sacrifice so much as one
little syllable of its dogmas. It has recognized quite correctly that
its power of resistance does not lie in its lesser or greater
adaptation to the scientific findings of the moment, which in reality
are always fluctuating, but rather in rigidly holding to dogmas once
established, for it is only such dogmas which lend to the whole body
the character of faith. And so it stands today more firmly than
ever." (53)
Hitler also saw a useful purpose for the Church:
"The great masses of people do not consist of philosophers; precisely
for the masses, [religious] faith is often the sole foundation of a
moral attitude… For the political man, the value of a religion must be
estimated less by its deficiencies than by the virtue of a visibly
better substitute. As long as this appears to be lacking, what is
present can be demolished only by fools or criminals." (54)
Hitler thus advocated freedom of religious belief. Although he would
later press churches into the service of Nazism, often at the point of
a gun, Hitler did not attempt to impose a state religion or mandate
the basic philosophical content of German religions. As long as they
did not interfere with his program, he allowed them to continue
fuctioning. And this policy was foreshadowed in his writings:
"For the political leader the religious doctrines and institutions of
his people must always remain inviolable; or else he has no right to
be in politics…" (55)
"Political parties have nothing to do with religious problems, as long
as these are not alien to the nation, undermining the morals and
ethics of the race; just as religion cannot be amalgamated with the
scheming of political parties." (56)
"Worst of all, however, is the devastation wrought by the misuse of
religious conviction for political ends." (57)
"Therefore, let every man be active, each in his own denomination if
you please, and let every man take it as his first and most sacred
duty to oppose anyone who in his activity by word or deed steps
outside the confines of his religious community and tries to butt into
the other." (58)
Hitler was raised a Catholic, even going to school for two years at
the monastery at Lambauch, Austria. As late as 24 he still called
himself a Catholic, but somewhere along the way he became an atheist.
It is highly doubtful that this was an intellectual decision, as a
reading of his disordered thoughts in Mein Kampf will attest. The
decision was most likely a pragmatic one, based on power and personal
ambition. Bullock reveals an interesting anecdote showing how these
considerations worked on the young Hitler. After five years of eking
out a miserable existence in Vienna and four years of war, Hitler
walked into his first German Worker's Party meeting:
"'Under the dim light shed by a grimy gas-lamp I could see four people
sitting around a table…' As Hitler frankly acknowledges, this very
obscurity was an attraction. It was only in a party which, like
himself, was beginning at the bottom that he had any prospect of
playing a leading part and imposing his ideas. In the established
parties there was no room for him, he would be a nobody." (59)
Hitler probably realized that a frustrated artist and pipe-dreamer
like himself would have no chance of achieving power in the world-
wide, 2000-year old Christian Church. It was most likely for this
reason that he rejected Christianity and pursued a political life
instead. Yet, curiously enough, he never renounced his membership in
the Catholic Church, and the Church never excommunicated him. Nor did
the Church place his Mein Kampf on the Index of Prohibited Books, in
spite of its knowledge of his atrocities. Later the Church would come
under intense criticism for its friendly and cooperative relationship
with Hitler. A brief review of this history is instructive.
In 1933, the Catholic Center Party cast its large and decisive vote in
favor of Hitler's Enabling Bill. This bill essentially gave Chancellor
Hitler the sweeping dictatorial powers he was seeking. Historian
Guenter Lewy describes a meeting between Hitler and the German
Catholic authorities shortly afterwards:
"On 26 April 1933 Hitler had a conversation with Bishop Berning and
Monsignor Steinmann [the Catholic leadership in Germany]. The subject
was the common fight against liberalism, Socialism and Bolshevism,
discussed in the friendliest terms. In the course of the conversation
Hitler said that he was only doing to the Jews what the church had
done to them over the past fifteen hundred years. The prelates did not
contradict him." (60)
As anyone familiar with Christian history knows, the Church has always
been a primary source of anti-Semitism. Hitler's anti-Semitism
therefore found a receptive audience among Catholic authorities. The
Church also had an intense fear and hatred of Russian communism, and
Hitler's attack on Russia was the best that could have happened. The
Jesuit Michael Serafin wrote: "It cannot be denied that [Pope] Pius
XII's closest advisors for some time regarded Hitler's armoured
divisions as the right hand of God." (61) As Pope Pius himself would
say after Germany conquered Poland: "Let us end this war between
brothers and unite our forces against the common enemy of atheism" --
Russia. (62)
Once Hitler assumed power, he signed a Concordat, or agreement, with
the Catholic Church. Eugenio Pacelli (the man who would eventually
become Pope Pius XII) was the Vatican diplomat who drew up the
Concordat, and he considered it a triumph. In return for promises
which Hitler increasingly broke, the Church dissolved all Catholic
organizations in Germany, including the Catholic Center Party. Bishops
were to take an oath of loyalty to the Nazi regime. Clergy were to see
to the pastoral care of Germany's armed forces (regardless of what
those armed forces did). (63)
The Concordat eliminated all Catholic resistance to Hitler; after
this, the German bishops gave Hitler their full and unqualified
support. A bishops' conference at Fulda, 1933, resulted in agreement
with Hitler's case for extending Lebensraum, or German territory. (64)
Bishop Bornewasser told a congregation of Catholic young people at
Trier: "With our heads high and with firm steps we have entered the
new Reich and are ready to serve it body and soul." (65) Vicar-General
Steinman greeted each Berlin mass with the shout, "Heil Hitler!" (66)
Hitler, on the other hand, kept up his attack on the Church. Nazi
bands stormed into the few remaining Catholic institutions, beat up
Catholic youths and arrested Catholic officials. The Vatican was
dismayed, but it did not protest. (67) In some instances, it was hard
to tell if the Church supported its own persecution. Hitler muzzled
the independent Catholic press (about 400 daily papers in 1933) and
subordinated it to Goebbels' Ministry of Propaganda and Enlightenment.
Yet soon the Catholic Press was doing more than what the Nazis
required of it -- for example, coordinating their Nazi propaganda to
prepare the people for the 1940 offensive against the West. (68)
Throughout the war, the Catholic press would remain one of the Third
Reich's best disseminators of propaganda.
Pacelli became the new Pope Pius XII in 1939, and he immediately
improved relations with Hitler. He broke protocol by personally
signing a letter in German to Hitler expressing warm hopes of friendly
relations. Shortly afterwards, the Church celebrated Hitler's birthday
by ringing bells, flying swastika flags from church towers and holding
thanksgiving services for the Fuhrer. (69) Ringing church bells to
celebrate and affirm the bishops' allegiance to the Reich would become
quite common throughout the war; after the German army conquered
France, the church bells rang for an entire week, and swastikas flew
over the churches for ten days.
But perhaps the greatest failure of Pope Pius XII was his silence over
the Holocaust, even though he knew it was in progress. Although there
are many heroic stories of Catholics helping Jews survive the
Holocaust, they do not include Pope Pius, the Holy See, or the German
Catholic authorities. When a reporter asked Pius why he did not
protest the liquidation of the Jews, the Pope answered, "Dear friend,
do not forget that millions of Catholics are serving in the German
armies. Am I to involve them in a conflict of conscience?" (70) As
perhaps the world's greatest moral leader, he was charged with
precisely that responsibility.
The history of Hitler and the Church reveals a relationship built on
mutual distrust and philosophical rejection, but also shared goals,
benefits, admiration, envy, friendliness, and ultimate alliance.
Return to Overview
Endnotes:
1. William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, (New York:
Simon & Schuster, 1960), p. 263.
2. Ibid., p. 143.
3. Ibid., p. 264.
4. Hitler, quoted in Alan Bullock, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny,
abridged edition, (New York: HarperCollins, 1971), p. 228.
5. Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans. by Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1962), pp. 393-4.
6. Ibid., p. 398.
7. Ibid., p. 297.
8. Ibid., p. 298.
9. Ibid., p. 290.
10. Ibid., pp. 291-2.
11. Ibid., p. 291.
12. Ibid., p. 401.
13. Ibid., p. 402.
14. Ibid., p. 214.
15. Ibid., p. 405.
16. Ibid., p. 404.
17. Ibid., p. 449.
18. Ibid., p. 289.
19. Ibid., p. 516-17.
20. Quoted in Bullock, pp. 11-12.
21. Ibid., p. 230.
22. Hitler, p. 396.
23. Ibid., p. 627.
24. Ibid., p. 288.
25. Ibid., p. 344.
26. Ibid., p. 465.
27. Ibid., p. 81.
28. Ibid., p. 82.
29. Ibid., p. 449.
30. Ibid., p. 60.
31. Ibid., p. 78
32. Ibid., p. 51.
33. Bullock, p. 228-9.
34. Hitler, p. 535.
35. Ibid., p. 155.
36. Quoted in Bullock, p. 102.
37. Hitler, p. 376.
38. Ibid., p. 382.
39. Ibid., p. 65.
40. Ibid., p. 437.
41. Ibid., p. 299.
42. Ibid., p. 338.
43. Ibid., p. 340.
44. Ibid., p. 340.
45. Ibid., p. 284.
46. Ibid., p. 351.
47. The History Place, "The Rise of Adolf Hitler: Success and a
Suicide,"
http://www.historyplace.com/worldwar2/riseofhitler/success.htm
48. Hitler, p. 418.
49. Ibid., p. 429.
50. Ibid., p. 408.
51. Ibid., p. 408.
52. Ibid., p. 346.
53. Ibid., p. 459.
54. Ibid., p. 267.
55. Ibid., p. 116.
56. Ibid., p. 116.
57. Ibid., p. 268.
58. Ibid., p. 563.
59. Bullock, p. 35.
60. Guenter Lewy, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (London and New
York) 1964, p. 50ff.
61. Friedrich Heer, God's First Love (New York: Weybright and Talley,
1967), p. 320, citing Lewy, pp. 249-250; see also Falconi, Carlo, Il
silenzio di Pio XII (Milan) 1965.
62. Heer, p. 319.
63. Lewy, p. 57 ff.
64. Ibid., p. 94 ff.
65. Ibid., p. 100f.
66. Ibid., p. 105.
67. Heer, p. 310.
68. Heer, p. 110.
69. Giovannetti, A., Der Vatikan und der Krieg (Cologne) 1961.
70. Lewy, p. 304.