On Aug 8, 1:25 am, "max headroom" <
maxheadr...@localnet.com> wrote:
you said i evaded the question, i did not. that is not empirical
evidence of wise spread voter fraud. clearly this is over your head.
> >>> ... because bush could not. now be careful, i am
> >>> very good at spotting conservative fraud.
> >>> otherwise, you are just another conservative who hates democracy.
> >> So did our founding fathers.
> > poll taxes are unconstitutional. OBTW, the founders crafted the
> > constitution, just in case you want to know the founders original
> > intent.
>
> Very good, Grasshopper. The Federalist Papers also explain their intent.
the federalist papers were a blueprint for a strong centralized
government.
the Constitution created a robust central authority:stating in the
preamble the explicit responsibility of the government to promote the
general Welfare:The document also granted the federal government
broad
domestic powers including authority to regulate interstate
commerce,
the so-called Commerce Clause
http://truth-out.org/news/item/8080-did-the-founders-hate-government?
Did the Founders Hate Government?
Saturday, 24 March 2012 13:14 By
Robert Parry, Consortium News | News
Analysis
Orwell’s insight - that who controls the present controls the past,
and who controls the past controls the future - could apply to the
American political debate in which the Right has built a false
narrative that enlists the Framers of the Constitution as enemies of
a
strong central government, writes Robert Parry.
In the coming
months – with a new fight over the federal budget, the
Supreme
Court’s review of health-care reform and the November
elections – the
battle in the United States will pit not just
political parties and
economic ideologies against one another – but
competing national
narratives of how and why the United States was
founded.
Indeed, it
is that conflict over the American narrative that may well
determine
the outcome of the presidential election and the future
direction of
the United States. Yet, this dispute over the Founders’
vision is
rarely debated in the mainstream news media.
The argument does,
however, inspire right-wing groups which obsess
over “strict
construction” of the Constitution and the “originalist”
intent of the
Founders. Such references also have become standard fare
on the
Republican campaign trail with the four remaining major
candidates
claiming to be in this fight to defend American “liberty.”
On
Saturday, for instance, ex-Sen. Rick Santorum declared that
President
Barack Obama’s health-care reform is “a threat to the very
essence of
who America is.” As the New York Times noted, “numbers like
1776 and
1860 increasingly pepper his speeches as he stresses the
historical
urgency of his candidacy.”
The Right’s historical narrative holds
that the Founders designed the
United States to have a weak central
government barred from
confronting most domestic problems (though
with broad powers for
defense). Under this “free-market” system,
wealthy business interests
had the “liberty” to set their own rules
and the average citizen had
the “freedom” to make his way the best he
could.
There is, of course, a counter-narrative, but Democrats and
progressives rarely make it, preferring to cede the history to the
Right and to argue that the Founders couldn’t possibly have
anticipated the complex problems of the modern age.
Still, the
counter-narrative to the GOP mythology is grounded in solid
history.
Indeed, the evidence is that most constitutional framers were
pragmatic men interested in building a strong nation. They also were
fed up with the weak central government under the Articles of
Confederation. They surely weren’t anti-government ideologues.
In the
Constitution, they created a robust central authority, stating
in the
preamble the explicit responsibility of the government “to
promote
the general Welfare.” The document also granted the federal
government broad domestic powers, including authority to regulate
interstate commerce, the so-called Commerce Clause.
Framing the
Commerce Clause
Plus, the Commerce Clause was not some afterthought
at the
Constitutional Convention in 1787. It was presented as one of
the new
federal powers in James Madison’s Virginia plan on the first
day of
substantive debate. It also was considered one of the least
controversial features of the new governing framework.
Indeed,
constitutional architect Madison had been maneuvering to give
this
power to the federal government for years, seeking such a change
in
the Articles of Confederation, which governed the United States
from
1777 to 1787.
Madison “sponsored a resolution instructing Virginia
congressmen to
vote to give the federal government the authority to
regulate commerce
for twenty-five years,” noted Chris DeRose in
Founding Rivals, a
resolution that won the support of Gen. George
Washington, one of the
fiercest critics of the weak central
government in the Articles of
Confederation.
Because the Articles’
structure of 13 “independent” and “sovereign”
states had left
Washington’s soldiers starving and desperate – when
the states
reneged on promised funding – Washington advocated a much
stronger
central government.
Regarding Madison’s commerce idea, Washington
wrote that “the
proposition in my opinion is so self evident that I
confess I am at a
loss to discover wherein lies the weight of the
objection to the
measure. We are either a united people, or we are
not. If the former,
let us, in all matters of a general concern act
as a nation, which
have national objects to promote, and a national
character to support.
If we are not, let us no longer act a farce by
pretending it to be.”
When the Virginia legislature slashed Madison’s
proposal for federal
control of commerce from 25 years to 13 years,
he voted against it as
insufficient. His thoughts then turned to a
more drastic scheme for
consolidating power in the hands of the
federal government, a
constitutional convention, albeit under the
guise of simply proposing
some changes to the Articles.
A Dramatic
Change
In spring 1787 – with a convention called in Philadelphia to
amend the
Articles of Confederation – Madison unveiled his radical
alternative,
not simply some modifications to the Articles but an
entirely new
system that wiped away the Articles’ language about the
“independence”
and “sovereignty” of the states.
On May 29, 1787, the
first day of substantive debate at the
Constitutional Convention, a
fellow Virginian, Edmund Randolph,
presented Madison’s framework.
Madison’s Commerce Clause was there
from the start, except that
instead of a 25-year grant of federal
authority, the central
government’s control of interstate commerce
would be made permanent.
Madison’s convention notes on Randolph’s presentation recount him
saying that “there were many advantages, which the U. S. might
acquire, which were not attainable under the confederation – such as
a
productive impost [or tax] – counteraction of the commercial
regulations of other nations – pushing of commerce ad libitum – &c
&c.”
In other words, the Founders – at their most “originalist”
moment –
understood the value of the federal government taking action
to negate
the commercial advantages of other countries and to take
steps for
“pushing of [American] commerce.” The “ad libitum – &c &c”
notation
suggests that Randolph provided other examples off the top
of his
head.
Historian Bill Chapman has summarized Randolph’s point
as saying “we
needed a government that could co-ordinate commerce in
order to
compete effectively with other nations.”
So, from the very
start of the debate on a new Constitution, Madison
and other key
framers recognized that a legitimate role of the U.S.
Congress was to
ensure that the nation could match up against other
countries
economically and could address problems impeding the
nation’s
economic success and the public welfare.
The constitutional framers
understood what they were doing. As
historian Richard Labunski wrote
in James Madison and the Struggle for
the Bill of Rights, “no one
knew better than the delegates that the
proposed Constitution would
drastically alter the structure of
government. Much of the power of
the states would be taken from them.”
The point also was not missed
by the advocates of states’ rights.
After the Constitutional
Convention, these Anti-Federalists, led by
Madison’s chief rival
Patrick Henry, mounted a fierce campaign to
defeat Madison’s scheme
because they recognized that it concentrated
power in the central
government.
For instance, dissidents from Pennsylvania’s convention
delegation
wrote: “We dissent … because the powers vested in Congress
by this
constitution, must necessarily annihilate and absorb the
legislative,
executive, and judicial powers of the several states,
and produce from
their ruins one consolidated government.” [See David
Wootton, The
Essential Federalist and Anti-Federalist Papers.]
As
resistance to Madison’s plan spread – and as states elected
delegates
to ratifying conventions – Madison feared that his
constitutional
masterwork would go down to defeat or be subjected to a
second
convention that might remove important federal powers like the
Commerce Clause.
Finessing the Opposition
So, Madison – along with
Alexander Hamilton and John Jay – began a
series of essays, called
the Federalist Papers, designed to counter
the fierce (though
generally accurate) attacks by the Anti-Federalists
against the broad
assertion of federal power in the Constitution.
Madison’s strategy
was essentially to insist that the drastic changes
contained in the
Constitution were not all that drastic, an approach
he took both as a
delegate to the Virginia ratifying convention and in
the Federalist
Papers.
Today’s Right has sought to transform Madison from his role
as the
chief advocate for a strong central government into the
opposite – a
modern-day Tea Partier before his time – by citing
Federalist Paper
No. 45, entitled “The Alleged Danger From the Powers
of the Union to
the State Governments Considered,” in which Madison
used the pseudonym
Publius.
Trying to finesse the opposition to his
plan for enhanced federal
powers, Madison wrote: “If the new Constitution be examined with
accuracy, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists
much less in the addition of NEW POWERS to the Union, than in the
invigoration of its ORIGINAL POWERS.”
But even that was an admission from Madison that the Constitution
added teeth to what had been toothless authorities theoretically
granted to the central government under the Articles. Making powers
meaningful, rather than ineffectual, is not an insignificant change.
Madison also noted: “The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new
power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from
which no apprehensions are entertained.”
Yet, to claim Madison as an opponent of an activist federal
government, the Right must ignore both his advocacy for beefing up
what had been weak authorities and adding the crucial new one over
commerce. The Right also must ignore Federalist Paper No. 14 in which
Madison envisioned major construction projects under the powers
granted by the Commerce Clause.
“[T]he union will be daily facilitated by new improvements,” Madison
wrote. “Roads will everywhere be shortened, and kept in better order;
accommodations for travelers will be multiplied and meliorated; an
interior navigation on our eastern side will be opened throughout, or
nearly throughout the whole extent of the Thirteen States.
“The communication between the western and Atlantic districts, and
between different parts of each, will be rendered more and more easy
by those numerous canals with which the beneficence of nature has
intersected our country, and which art finds it so little difficult
to
connect and complete.”
The building of canals, as an argument in support of the Commerce
Clause and the Constitution, further reflects the pragmatic – and
commercial – attitudes of key founders. In 1785, two years before the
Constitutional Convention, George Washington founded the Potowmack
Company, which began the work of digging canals to extend navigable
waterways westward where he and other Founders had invested in Ohio
and other undeveloped lands.
Thus, the idea of involving the central government in major economic
projects – a government-business partnership to create jobs and
profits – was there from the beginning. Madison, Washington and other
early American leaders saw the Constitution as creating a dynamic
system so the young country could grow and overcome the daunting
challenges of its vast territory.
The Founders did debate the proper limits of federal and state
powers,
but again Madison and Washington came down on the side of making
federal statutes and treaties the supreme law of the land. (Madison
had even favored giving Congress veto power over each state law, but
settled for granting the federal courts the authority to overturn
state laws that violated federal statutes.)
After Ratification
The narrow ratification of the Constitution in 1788 did not end the
confrontations over states’ rights, especially when the South began
to
fear that its agriculture-based economy and its lucrative industry of
slavery might be threatened as the industrialized North expanded and
the anti-slavery movement grew.
In the early 1830s, President Andrew Jackson faced down South
Carolina
over its claimed right to “nullify” federal law. And three decades
later, President Abraham Lincoln fought the Civil War to settle the
issue of states having the right to secede from the Union.
Still, as late as the 1950s and 1960s, Southern white supremacists
were still citing the principle of states’ right in defending
segregation. Though the segregationists lost those fights in federal
courts and in the battle for public opinion, they never surrendered.
They simply regrouped.
In the mid-1970s, as the Vietnam War ended, the American Left began
shutting down or selling off much its media, which had proved
effective in reaching out to the public to build opposition to the
war. At the same time, the Right began investing heavily in its own
media infrastructure.
Wealthy right-wing foundations and industrialists, like the Koch
Brothers, also poured money into think tanks, which hired clever
individuals who began reframing the national narrative. Part of that
effort was to support “scholarship” that transformed Madison and
other
key framers from advocates of a strong central government into
proponents for states’ rights.
A few of Madison’s quotes – from 1788 as he tried to downplay how
radical his new constitutional system actually was – were plucked out
of context, while other parts of his biography as an advocate for a
strong central government were simply erased.
By Ronald Reagan’s inauguration in 1981, Americans were being told
that “government is the problem” and that the nation had deviated
from
the Founders’ original vision of an Ayn Rand-style “free-market”
society in which everyone was on their own and the government only
worried about fighting wars.
Increasingly, the Right pitched itself as the defender of the
nation’s
founding ideals. Any time the central government sought to address
vexing national problems – from the need to regulate Wall Street to
extending health coverage to the tens of millions of uninsured
Americans – these proposals were labeled “unconstitutional.”
Some right-wing jurists, most notably Supreme Court Justice Antonin
Scalia, advocated “originalism,” insisting that constitutional powers
should apply only to what the Founders had in mind at the time. The
Right ignored the clear record that the Founders intended their
governing structure to meet both their immediate needs and the
distant
interests of their “posterity.”
Indeed, if there was any true “originalism,” it was that the
Constitution should be sufficiently dynamic to cope with any number
of
anticipated and unanticipated challenges that might confront the
nation. As the discussion about canal building shows, Madison,
Washington and other key framers were pragmatists.
One-Sided Debate
Yet, while the Right was bending the founding narrative to its
purposes, the Left largely dismissed the importance of this debate,
perhaps in part because the Left tends to disdain many Founders as
slave-owning aristocrats who hypocritically denied their precious
“unalienable rights” to women, blacks, Indians, the poor and many
others.
While that surely was true, the nation’s founding narrative retains a
strong mythic appeal to many Americans – and the Right’s twisting of
the history has proved a powerful tactic to rally many middle- and
working-class Americans, particularly white men, to the Tea Party
cause and to the Republican Party.
Believing they’re channeling the true spirit of the Founders, many of
these average Americans end up siding with ultra-rich plutocrats who
see an effective and democratized federal government as the last
obstacle to their total domination of the United States.
Thus, the Tea Partiers and their allies fight: to let Wall Street
banks operate as recklessly as they wish; to let health insurance
companies deny coverage to sick people; to let rich investors pay
lower tax rates than their secretaries; to let billionaires buy up
the
political process through Super-PACs; to let companies outsource
jobs;
to let industry despoil the environment; and to slash life-saving
federal programs like Medicare, food stamps and Social Security.
The “logic” behind this “populist” support for the interests of the
rich is that many average folk think they are engaged in a principled
stand for “liberty” – with the federal government their oppressor,
standing in for the British Crown in 1776. That’s why the Tea
Partiers
wave “Don’t Tread on Me” flags and dress up in Revolutionary War
costumes.
Simply put, these Tea Partiers have been fooled by a well-funded
propaganda campaign tricking them by substituting a false narrative
about the nation’s founding and thus enlisting their help in
dismantling the Great American Middle Class.
Building the Middle Class
Many of these Americans have forgotten a basic truth: that the Great
American Middle Class was largely a creation of the federal
government
and its policies dating back to Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. For
many Tea Partiers, it is more satisfying to think that they or their
parents climbed the social ladder on their own, that they “didn’t
need
no guv-mint help.”
But the truth is that it was government policies arising out of the
Great Depression and carried forward through the post-World War II
years by both Republican and Democratic presidents that created the
opportunities for tens of millions of Americans to achieve relative
comfort and economic security.
Those policies ranged from Social Security and labor rights in the
1930s to the GI Bill after World War II to Medicare in the 1960s and
to government investments in infrastructure and technological
research
over many decades. Even in recent years, despite right-wing efforts
to
choke off money to government research, federal programs – such as
the
Internet – have brought greater efficiency to markets, as well as
wealth to many entrepreneurs.
So, the Right’s success in dismantling the New Deal, piece by piece,
and shoving more and more Americans down the social ladder has hinged
on the demonization of “guv-mint.” This message – often wrapped in
patriotic hoopla and coded appeals to bigotry – were delivered most
effectively by the personable Ronald Reagan in the 1980s.
Yet, while rallying many working-class “Reagan Democrats” to his
banner, Reagan’s most important policy was slashing taxes on the
rich.
Under Reagan’s “supply-side economics,” the top marginal tax rate –
what the richest Americans pay on their highest tranche of income –
was more than halved, from 70 percent to 28 percent.
Still, the promised surge in “supply-side” growth never really
materialized and a key result was the dramatic rise in the national
debt. Another less obvious change was the incentivizing of greed,
which had been discouraged by the much higher marginal tax rates of
the post-World War II years, from Dwight Eisenhower (when the top
marginal tax rate was 90 percent) through Jimmy Carter (with a 70
percent top rate).
After all, if 70 to 90 percent of your highest tranche of income went
to the government to help pay for building the nation, you had little
personal incentive to press for that extra $1 million or $2 million
in
compensation.
So corporate CEOs – while well-paid – were happy earning about 25
times as much as their average worker in the 1960s. A few decades
later, that ratio on CEO pay was about 200 times what the average
worker was making.
The consequences of several decades of Reaganism and its related
ideas
(such as the “free-market” shipping of many middle-class jobs
overseas
where workers are paid much less) are now apparent. Wealth has been
concentrated at the top with billionaires living extravagant lives
while the middle class struggles. One everyman after another gets
shoved down the ladder.
The data is now clear that the last three decades have witnessed a
divergence between the haves and the have-nots unprecedented in the
United States, at least since the lead-up to the Great Depression
when
a similar era of income inequality set the stage for financial
disaster.
For instance, the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office – in an
analysis of data from 1979 to 2005 – found that the inflation-
adjusted
income of middle-class Americans rose about 21 percent (only about
one-
fifth the increase enjoyed by the middle class during the post-World
War II era).
Meanwhile, the income for the ultra-rich (the top 100th of one
percent) jumped 480 percent from 1979 to 2005, rising from an average
of $4.2 million to $24.3 million. And CBO’s analysis ends in 2005,
thus missing the decimation of the middle class from the Wall Street
bust of 2008.
Struggling Americans
Behind the numbers, the real-life consequences are painful. Millions
of Americans forego needed medical care because they can’t afford
health insurance; young people, burdened by college loans, crowd back
in with their parents; trained workers settle for low-paying jobs or
are unemployed; families skip vacations and other simple pleasures of
life.
Beyond the unfairness, there is the macro-economic problem which
comes
from massive income disparity. A strong economy is one in which the
vast majority people can buy products, which can then be manufactured
more cheaply, creating a positive cycle of profits and prosperity.
Plus, the problems facing the nation grow even more severe with
looming shortages of vital resources and the impending catastrophe of
global warming. Only an energetic federal government can focus the
national will to tackle these challenges.
The pragmatic Founders would understand this need for unified action.
Yet, Republicans running for President and GOP members of Congress
continue to call for further cuts in taxes for the rich and more cuts
in government spending, rending the social safety net and slashing
investments in infrastructure, education, research and the
environment.
House Budget Chairman Paul Ryan unveiled a plan Tuesday to reduce the
highest marginal tax rate from 35 percent to 25 percent – even lower
than it was under Reagan – while domestic spending would be slashed
and Medicare would be turned into a voucher system with the elderly
paying a much higher share of their health costs.
As in the past, this approach is accompanied by assurances of faster
economic growth, but the record for those promises should now be
clear. The GOP plans are also wrapped in rhetoric about “liberty” and
the “spirit of the Founders” – though in truth that spirit was
infused
with a pragmatic notion of the country pulling together to meet its
challenges
So, what’s at stake in 2012 is not just who wins and how that will
affect the immediate welfare of the American people – but whether a
false narrative about America’s past will lead it into a darkening
future.