Only 4 year term Hillary Will Serve will be in Prison
Harry Dope
By Jack Cashill
Last week I documented some of the consequences of what Sen. Fred Thompson
called "the most corrupt political campaign in modern history," namely the
Clinton re-election campaign of 1996.
In 1997, Thompson chaired the Senate committee that investigated the
campaign. Here is how that campaign began.
Following the Democratic electoral debacle in November 1994, President
Clinton's approval rating dipped to an unnervingly low 45 percent. The
rating of his most likely Republican opponent, Senate Majority Leader Bob
Dole, was cresting at 62 percent. Bill Clinton was staring down the barrel
of a one-term presidency.
"I can tell you," DNC finance chair Terry McAuliffe would later testify,
"the political mood at the time clearly was that he had no chance of winning
again."
The Clintons had few options but to fight on. In early December 1994, in the
White House treaty room, Bill and Hillary Clinton held a secret meeting with
the one man who could possibly turn the tide of battle, political consultant
Dick Morris.
More than a decade earlier, Morris had helped Clinton regain the governor's
office after an embarrassing post-first term defeat. In 1990, however,
Morris and the Clintons split over an incident that reveals both Bill
Clinton's capacity for violence and Hillary's for covering it up.
To date, Hillary Clinton has shown no inclination to share unpleasant
truths. "Living History," her autobiography, is almost as free of conflict
as her book on Socks the cat. She casually attributes Morris' refusal to
work on the disastrous 1994 congressional campaign to his problems with
their staff.
In an open letter to Hillary Clinton in National Review Online, Morris
offered a more vivid accounting of the events of 1990 that caused their
split.
Worried he was falling behind his opponent in a primary campaign, Clinton
"verbally assaulted" Morris for not giving the campaign more time. When the
offended Morris turned and stalked out of the room, Clinton followed.
"Bill ran after me," Morris writes, "tackled me, threw me to the floor of
the kitchen in the mansion and cocked his fist back to punch me. You
[Hillary] grabbed his arm and, yelling at him to stop and get control of
himself, pulled him off me."
Morris also volunteers that when the story threatened to surface again
during the 1992 presidential campaign, Hillary told him to "say it never
happened."
Desperate times, however, called for desperate measures, and so Morris was
summoned once again, this time by Hillary herself. At their first
get-together, Morris insisted on weekly meetings thereafter, and the
president agreed. For the first month, Hillary attended the meetings and
then strategically withdrew.
As Morris relates, Clinton would share Morris' advice and the polling data
with Hillary, and "she read every word." When he encountered Hillary, Morris
adds, "She showed familiarity with every bit of it."
The rules of the game, which had been only loosely followed to this point,
were about to be scrapped altogether. In a more disciplined fashion than
they had done anything else since coming to town, the Clintons set about
getting re-elected.
From the beginning, Morris insisted on one strategy above all others:
filling the airwaves with TV ads early and relentlessly. "Week after week,
month after month," says Morris, "from early July 1995 more or less
continually until election day in '96, 16 months later, we bombarded the
public with ads."
In the 1992 campaign, the unknown Clinton spent roughly $40 million on
advertising. In the 1996 campaign, the incumbent Clinton would spend $85
million. Morris also insisted on a "virtually unlimited budget" for polling,
and he got that, too.
With the DNC broke and demoralized after the 1994 rout, raising this much
money was not easy. "For the Democrats," McAuliffe noted, "it was not a very
optimistic time." The lack of enthusiasm for Clinton even within his own
party put the onus for raising money on the White House itself.
"You don't know, you don't have any remote idea," Clinton would tell Morris,
"how hard I have to work, how hard Hillary has to work, how hard Al [Gore]
has to work to raise this much money."
The bulk of the money went to TV. An adept strategist, Morris understood the
sympathies of the media and devised a strategy to accommodate their willful
innocence. It was painfully simple, and it worked.
To achieve "relative secrecy" he chose not to advertise at all in New York
City or Washington, D.C., and only occasionally in Los Angeles. "If these
cities remained dark," recalls Morris, "the national press would not make an
issue out of our ads - of this we felt sure."
"No one in the media really caught on," confirms Robert Woodward in his book
on the election, "The Choice." The reason they did not catch on, as Morris
well knew, is because they did not want to.
The story the media chose not to watch unfold was an extraordinary one. The
Thompson Committee does a concise job of summarizing what that story was:
The president and his top advisers decided to raise money early for his
re-election campaign. To accomplish their goal, the president and his top
advisers took control of the DNC and designed a plan to engage in a
historically aggressive fund-raising effort, utilizing the DNC as a vehicle
for getting around federal election laws. The DNC ran television
advertisements, created under the direct supervision of the president, which
were specifically designed to promote the president's re-election.
In the afterword to the paperback edition of "The Choice," Woodward had the
grace to admit he "vastly underestimated the significance of money" in the
campaign. He notes too that the Clinton ads themselves "were deceptive
enough to be appalling."
Newsweek's Evan Thomas, primary author of "Back from the Dead," also admits
that "one of the great underreported stories" of the campaign was how the
Democrats, not the Republicans, engaged in "the really effective negative
campaigning."
Neither Thomas nor Woodward explains why, during the campaign itself, no one
in the major media chose to tell the true story. An unprecedented series of
untruthful, arguably illegal ads, which reached about 125 million Americans
three times a week, should have been obvious to the media and scandalous
from the outset.
The scandal would have exploded if the media had asked where the money was
coming from to pay for the ads - Red China, for instance - and how it was
being raised. They chose not to. They collectively shuddered at the thought
of giving hated House Speaker Newt Gingrich a Republican president.
Expect even less from the media in 2008 - and even more of the same from
Hillary.
--
Eight years before 9/11, on Feb. 26, 1993, Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaida
terrorist network declared war against the United States with a deadly
attack on the World Trade Center. Al-Qaida continued to wage war on the U.S.
throughout the Clinton administration, attacking Khobar Towers in 1996, two
U.S. embassies in East Africa in 1998, and the U.S.S. Cole in 2000.
*us*
at increased risk, undefended, and stigmatized worldwide.
Baldin Lee Pramer
> The '96 Clinton scandal media ignored
> By Jack Cashill
>
> Last week I documented some of the consequences of what Sen. Fred Thompson
> called "the most corrupt political campaign in modern history," namely the
> Clinton re-election campaign of 1996.
So is the Bush administration putting off her prosecution until just
before election time?
Bleepy
George Grapman
P.Henry
> The '96 Clinton scandal media ignored
ROFLMAO!! Keep dreaming Dope and get used to saying 'Madam President '
Deaf Power
On Thu, 28 Jun 2007 11:04:53 -0400, Horatio Fudruckerton
<nos...@hotmail.com> wrote:
>No doubt about it.....the clintoons are the most unethical, immoral,
Idiot.
--
Impeach Bush!
http://www.gnn.tv/articles/2791/Rep_McKinney_Files_Articles_of_Impeachment