CUNTICA
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Yup, it's full of inbred, pinhead retard Germans!
Far-right extremists in eastern Germany quietly building a town for
neo-Nazis
.
The sympathizer of neo-Nazis, Karl-Heinz Statzberger (R)Â and an
unidentified companion arrive as audience members at the NSU trial at
the higher regional court in Munich, Germany, on May 6, 2013. A neo-
Nazi trial in which a German woman is accused of involvement in 10
murders was adjourned for a week on its opening day Monday over a
defence complaint about the judge.
Next to a mural showing an idealized Aryan family, Gothic script
declares that the village in eastern Germany is “free, social,
national”. The signpost next to it once pointed the way to Hitler’s
birthplace, 530 miles away in Austria, until a court order forced
villagers to take it down.
The echoes of the Third Reich are quite deliberate. In Jamel, a tiny
collection of red brick farmhouses fringed by forest, dozens of
villagers describe themselves as Nazis and a majority turns out to
vote for the far Right.
This is a place with little welcome for strangers. Rottweilers bark
incessantly. A shaved-headed man shouts his own warning, while a woman
shrieks an obscenity from her window.
Jamel is for some the tip of the iceberg; an indication of how the far
Right in Germany is open and active, especially in areas of former
East Germany where jobs are scarce.
This month, in Munich, the opening stages of a shocking trial have
given further cause for introspection in a country which is being
forced to confront the violent racism which pervades parts of its
society.
Beate Zschaepe, 38, an apprentice gardener from Jena, East Germany, is
accused of complicity in a series of racially motivated murders
carried out by a neo-Nazi cell, the National Socialist Underground.
The cell is being held responsible for the murder of eight men of
Turkish origin, who were shot in the head at point-blank range.
Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, has apologized to the victims’
families, describing the killings as “a disgrace for our country.”
But the case has raised questions about official complacency. German
security services and police failed to pursue tipoffs about the NSU,
instead suspecting the immigrant victims of having links with
organized crime.
Figures published by the German government showed that crime
attributed to the far Right is rising, with more than 17,000 cases
last year — of which 842 were violent acts. Authorities estimate that
there are more than 22,000 Right-wing extremists in the country.
Nearly half, around 9,800, are regarded by Germany’s security services
as violent.
The figures have prompted politicians to promise a crackdown on
extremist groups.
Yet in Jamel, Stefan Koester, a regional MP for the far-Right German
National Democratic Party (NPD), boasts that his party won 6% of the
vote in elections in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern — the state that includes
the small village — and now has five MPs in the regional parliament.
He said: “We’re threatened on one side by immigration, on the other by
low birthrate. Other parties want to attract human capital from other
countries and we say that we can’t do that. Our families must have
more children.”
There will always be people who think this way. There will always be
National Socialists
.
The NPD emphasizes its communal activities — it hosts free drop-in
sessions offering advice to citizens, and organizes children’s
festivals. Its campaign posters show families playing on the beach
with the slogan: “Stop the death of our people. The country needs
German children.”
Officially, the NPD says that it rejects violence “for political
ends”, but the threat seems to lurk in the background. Two years ago,
Sven Krueger, an elected representative of the NPD in Jamel, was
sentenced to four years in prison for illegal possession of a machine
gun and an automatic pistol.
Krueger, a demolition contractor whose firm has the slogan “We are the
boys for rough stuff,” was the driving force behind the neo-Nazi
domination of Jamel and his family still live in the village.
He began buying up properties and encouraging supporters of the far
Right to settle alongside him. More than half the families are now
open neo-Nazi supporters.
Birgit Lohmeyer, an author, moved from Hamburg to Jamel with her
husband 10 years ago. When the Lohmeyers bought their house, they were
told that a “notorious neo-Nazi” lived here. Since then, they have
become the minority. “It’s very tense,” Lohmeyer said. “My husband and
I are the outlaws here.
“We are insulted, we are threatened, we are sabotaged in various ways.
People drive their cars in front of ours and force us to brake. There
is damage to property. Our postbox has been labelled with Nazi
stickers and been stolen.
ODD ANDERSEN/AFP/Getty Images
ODD ANDERSEN/AFP/Getty ImagesA cat yawns sitting in the window sill of
a farm house in Jamel, north eastern Germany, February 1, 2011. .
“There was a sticker saying, ‘No place for neo-Nazis’, and it was
altered to read, ‘No place without neo-Nazis’.” The Lohmeyers have
refused to be driven out. Lohmeyer said: “Our house is everything we
wished for. No one will take it from us, neo-Nazis or anyone else.”
Some in the village insist there is no threat. One Jamel resident, a
shaved-headed man whose back was covered in the Nordic-style tattoos
favoured by the far Right, said: “Everyone is happy. Everybody’s
friendly here, does everything together.”
Five miles up the road from Jamel, the constituency office of the NPD
shares a building with the business address of Krueger’s firm, Krueger
Demolition. A poster outside illustrates the vision of communal life
offered by the NPD; there are white, Aryan-looking children taking
part in a sack race, images of a torchlit parade, and shaved-headed
youths beating military-style drums.
The fences are topped with razor wire and there is a prison camp-style
watchtower. The NPD claims it is at risk of attack by Left-wing
groups.
The building appears empty, but is evidently under surveillance;
within minutes of outsiders arriving, a car pulls up with two heavy-
set men inside. One of them rolls down a window to shout: “Get back to
the west!” The car sweeps past again minutes later.
Except for cities such as Berlin, Dresden and Leipzig, eastern Germany
has not shared in the economic success of the west since unification,
creating fertile ground for extremists. A report last year said
unemployment in the eastern states stood at 10.3 per cent, compared
with six per cent in the rest of Germany. The east’s output per capita
was less than three quarters that of the west.
The NSU, the tight-knit group to which Ms Zschaepe allegedly belonged,
was based in Zwickau, in the eastern state of Thuringia.
Simone Oldenburg, a Left-wing politician who helps run a youth club
near Jamel, said: “For 10 years the criminal acts of the NSU were not
discovered. The state was asleep. It was dismissive. One had become
blind to these crimes, and through this laxity, opened further the
ground for Right-wing thinking and crimes.”
In places like Jamel, the far Right offers a message which combines an
emphasis on communal activities with a defensive attitude to the
outside world.
Koester, the regional MP for the NPD, said: “Many people want a
different kind of politics. A politics which is social, family-
friendly. Other parties don’t pursue these policies. The NPD offers an
alternative.”
Across the east, the population is forecast to decline. In Germany as
a whole, migration has halted this demographic decline. But migrants —
particularly highly educated young people from southern Europe — have
been drawn to the affluent south and west of Germany rather than the
east.
Carsten Koall/Getty Images
Carsten Koall/Getty ImagesApproximately 500 NPD supporters took part
in the demonstration, and several thousand counter-protesters heckled
them and attempted block the NPD demonstration route. .
Koester said his region was heading for a “population catastrophe”,
adding: “In 1990, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern had two million people. If
forecasts are correct, by 2050 we’ll have one million.”
When asked about Krueger, the NPD politician is guarded. “I know him,
of course,” he admits. “He is the landlord of my constituency office.
He committed a crime and must face the consequences.”
Asked about Jamel, Koester described it as “quite a normal little
village”. He added: “Many of the occupants have their own views, and
don’t want to pretend about what views they have.”
In Jamel, near where the signpost pointing to Hitler’s birthplace used
to be, is a painting of a signpost which is equally designed to
provoke: it points the way to Breslau, once in Germany but ceded to
Poland, and Koenigsberg, now part of Russia.
“These places belonged to the German Reich,” said Uwe Wandel, mayor of
the Gaegelow district which includes Jamel, standing by the painting.
In a democratic society, there is little than can be done to stop
members of the far Right buying private houses, the mayor says, even
if it leads to the creation of a neo-Nazi enclave. He is opposed to
banning far-Right parties.
“We have to engage with people. And if they commit crimes, they should
be prosecuted,” Wandel said.
The mayor says that he “wishes dearly” that the neo-Nazi problem would
go away.
“But it won’t. There will always be people who think this way. There
will always be National Socialists.”