WESTERN SAHARA : AFRICA'S LAST CALUMNY

[tariq]

Western Sahara:

Africa’s last calumny

By : TERRY BATCHER

A number of disputes and conflicts are threatening directly or
indirectly peace, and stability around the world. In fact some of
these conflicts deserve the international community full attention in
order to solve them, whereas others are simply unfounded, but
unfortunately continue to exist for some reasons or others, draining
out financial resources, as well as putting tremendous pressure on the
international community. As to the Western Sahara conflict, it is a
result of regional politics in the North African area during the
seventies and particularly between the two most powerful countries in
the region i.e.: Morocco and Algeria. Vital economic and strategic
interests where undoubtedly behind the three decade crisis over
Western Sahara. Reading some articles and reports about western
Sahara being the last African colony is in fact a pure
misunderstanding in some cases, and a total ignorance in others of the
history of the region, that is why iam inviting my fellow European and
other researchers, writers, observers, and journalists to read and
understand the history of the region and the relationship of different
Moroccan Sultans with the inhabitants of the Sahara region.

From at least the Arab conquest of North Africa in the 7th century,
the various nomadic tribes inhabiting what is today designated
“western Sahara” owed allegiance to the rulers of Morocco. Since
moulay al –Rachid, founder of the current Alaouite dynasty united
Morocco under his rule in the mid-17th century, the Sultans of Morocco
have issued royal prescripts known as dahirs accepting the fealty and
tribute of the Saharan chieftains and appointing them as qaids or
civil governors, over their respective peoples, from whom they also
collected taxes in the name of the sovereign. The Maghreb was carved
up by European colonial powers after the 1884-1885 Berlin conference
opened the way for the “scramble for Africa”. Spain claimed for itself
the Sahara region of Saqiet al- Hamra “ Red creek” and Rio de Oro “
river of gold” unilaterally proclaiming a protectorate in December
1884, although the presence inside the Sahara , and also the
resistance of Moroccan monarchs made the Spanish claim an ineffectual
one until 1912, when France succeeded in imposing a protectorate on
Sultan Moulay Abdelhafid . Nine months later, Paris signed an
agreement with Madrid which included acknowledgement of the hitherto
ineffectual Spanish claim to “Spanish Sahara” as well as other
Moroccan coastal installations and more than two decades before they
overcome stiff resistance from Moroccan tribesmen and managed to
penetrate to the interior of the Western Sahara to occupy Smara, the
Territory’s only city and stronghold of the Sufi holy man and anti-
colonial leader Sheikh Ma al’ aynayn (1830- 1910).

The internal manifestations of Moroccan authority over Western Sahara
are reflected by the sultans powers exercised by means of dahirs not
only for executive but also for legislative matters. This was how they
appointed and dismissed the caids to whom they gave responsibilities
of government in a region, on a coast or over a group of tribes. The
caids were the military commanders who also had administrative
functions. The choice of a Sultan could fall on a person because of
his local influence or family or tribal connections. In this respect
six historians one French: Vernet and five Spanish: domenech,
Lafluente, Secode Lucena, Huici and Romeu , relate events which in the
case of Vernet , date back to the seventh century, on page 36 of his
work ,: “islamisation” , Vernet recounts how after the Arab conquest
of Morocco by Okba Ibn naafi in 681, Moussa Ibn Nossair sent his son
Merouana to the furthest Souss, meaning the Sahara region . Vernet
also added the following facts:

• In 740 the Moroccan governor (or caid) called Ismail Ben
Obeidetallah was appointed to Seguia Al hamra .
• In 745 Okba’s great nephew went almost to the end of Western Sahara
and dug the first wells.
•
From this time on continues vernet, the dynasty of the Idrissids (the
Idrissids was the first dynasty in Morocco) did not cease to govern
the Sahara until the following dynasty, that of the Almoravids.
As to the military expeditions, the authority of the Sultan over
Western Sahara was recognized by the international community. The
expeditions undertaken by the Sultans took two forms: some had the
purpose of controlling western Sahara, and more particularly Seguiat
al hamra , and others crossed western Sahara as far as the river of
Niger . The autoresse of “ Avec les rois Alaouites” dette de
Puigaudeau notes that :

« The cherifian interventions lost their character of conquest and
only retained that of tours
of inspection and prestige » (Odette de Puigaudeau: avec les Rois
alaouites / Paris/ PU/ 1970)

This was at the end of Sultan Moulay Hassan’s reign , which is
considered to be the first period of colonization by Spain . Documents
show that reports written by diplomats admitted the legal ties between
Morocco and Western Sahara. For example, in his report to the French
minister in Tangiers the French Council in Western Sahara wrote: “
The expedition of Sultan Moulay Hassan to the Souss can be regarded as
fully completed
It was a triumphal progress all the way. All the tribes made their
submissions and swore Allegiance to him. Even the very nomads of the
Sahara were bent on bringing him fast camels and offering him their
help in he holy war “ ( report of June 1886 to the French minister in
Tangiers “documents diplomatiques francais 1871-1914 ( first series
volume VIII) . As to the religious ties it is considered one of the
constituent elements of the legal ties .to prove the existence of this
kind of tie between sahraoui and Moroccan , one must quote in
particular Paul cambon , then French ambassador in Madrid , who
reported the following observation to his minister of foreign
affairs : “ It has always been recognized that the territorial
sovereignty of the Sultan extends as far as his religious suzerainty ,
and as it is beyond doubt that the peoples of cape Juby are subject to
him from the religious point of view , we could consider his
sovereignty as indisputable” ( documents diplomatiques
francais 1871-1914 / first serie/ volume xiii)

Spain had in fact begun its penetration of Southern Morocco ,
including what is called now western Sahara over four hundred years
ago, temporarily establishing themselves facing the island of
Lanzarote in the Canary islands in 1476 at a place known as Santa Cruz
de Mar Pequena ( The town of Ifni south west of Agadir ) . Spain
acquired Ifni in 1860 as a result of the treaty of Ifni, for various
reasons the Spanish did not take possession until 1934; negotiations
for the return of Ifni to Morocco began in 1996, with Spain under
pressure from the UN trusteeship commission, and the retrocession was
completed by a treaty signed on 4 January 1969. The Hispanic –
Moroccan peace and commercial treaty signed in Marrakech on 18 may
1767 (a copy of the treaty is available at the Moroccan Royal library
in Rabat), clearly showed the power of the Moroccan Sultan to make
decisions concerning Western Sahara. Article 18 of this treaty
declared the following:
“His imperial majesty warns the inhabitants of the canary islands
against any attempt to fish on the coasts of the Wadi Noun and beyond.
His majesty denies all responsibility for what could happen if they
are taken by the Arabs of that region against whom it is difficult to
apply sanctions since they have no fixed place of residence , move
about as they wish, erecting their tents wherever they see fit .”
This text affirms that the sovereign has the power of decision-
making concerning this region, but the way of life of the inhabitants
makes it virtually impossible to apply such measures. During the rule
of Sultan Moulay Hassan (1873- 1894) an agitation was provoked by
Madrid’s demands in respect of western Sahara coast led Moulay Hassan
to undertake an expedition into the South of Morocco to Western Sahara
in 1882 to calm the anxiety of the local tribe chiefs, with an army of
some seventy thousand men, in his arrival to Goulmine the doorway of
Western Sahara, sahraoui notables to affirm their loyalty to him and
to promise to oppose European movements. In 1884 Spain once again
insisted on its settlement project and the Campania Mercantil hispano-
Africana established in Barcelona erected a building in March 1884 in
Villa Cis Neros (dakhla), thus ensuring permanent sea contact with the
peninsula. An attack on this building by the Ouled delim tribe
necessitated the calling up of a Spanish detachment the following
June. These attacks were renewed in 1887, 1892 and 1894 and the
Spanish were compelled to retrench to the small strip of land
corresponding to Villa Cisneros . Spain had tried unsuccessfully to
have its pretensions ratified by the Sultan of Morocco; the Spanish
ambassador had requested a high –ranking Moroccan official to
interrogate Sultan Moulay Hassan about the southern frontiers of the
kingdom as long as “ Spain owns a country called Rio de Oro and
desires to prevent foreigners from coming to settle between the two
nations”( source : Spanish national library in Madrid / department of
state) Sultan Moulay Hassan replied on 4 Ramadan 1303 hegira (1886)
in a letter as follows :
“Our southern frontier is bounded by Egypt, by the Sudan (the country
of the blacks) and thirdly by Maghnia in Algeria. As for Rio de Oro an
investigation made among the people living in the region revealed it
to be inhabited by the Ouled Delim and the tribe of Aroussiyine, our
faithful servants who established themselves around Marrakech and Fez
and called this region dakhla”( source : Moroccan newspaper: Sahara
El Maghreb / Rabat / 6march 1958) . As to Rio de Oro the Spanish
name for Wadi Dahab was attacked and invaded by the Spanish army When
Sultan Moulay Hassan was in power, the latter did not remain inactive
in affirming his authority over the Sahara region being disputed by
foreigners and particularly the Spanish, he opted for a military
campaign in 1886 to strengthen his rights over the Sahara, on march
forty thousand men left Marrakech for Mogador ( Essaouira) and arrived
in Tiznit in April 1886, the Sultan set up permanent military posts
in Tiznit, Kasbah Ba Amrane, assaka and Goulimine,( these four towns
in southern Morocco forming a continuation of Western sahara),
Unfortunately the efforts made by Sultan Moulay Hassan to ensure his
control over the kingdom failed when he died in 1894, France and Spain
quietly divided up the territory . France settled in the region of
Adrar (now called Mauritania) in 1900, the Spanish penetration of the
Sahara was completed in 1904, and in 1912 Morocco was divided into two
parts to be colonized by France and Spain.

The efforts of the colonizing invaders did not , however, go
unchallenged , indeed , if one considers the colonial history of
Western Sahara over the years , it is to be noted that the various
campaigns undertaken by European troops never managed entirely to
subdue the Sahara tribes , especially the Reguibat tribes . Towards
the end of the nineteen century a great war leader called Sheikh Maa
EL Ainin, who galvanized the inhabitants of western Sahara into a holy
war against the Spanish invaders, when he was a young man, Maa El
Ainin’s dream was to build a town in western Sahara which would be a
stopping place used for trade between Morocco and Mauritania, the
Sultan Of Morocco promised to send labour and materials to start the
project. Architects and masons were sent to draw up plans for the
Kasbah. Thousands of mules and camels loaded with slabs of granite and
marble began a five – day journey from Tafraout to the site chosen for
the new town, which was called Smara. Smara in the heart of Western
Sahara slowly took shape and the mosque was built in the northeast of
the town; Maa El Ainin wanted this to be the largest construction of
Western Sahara, but he never managed to complete it. In this respect
it is worth mentioning that the Sultan made Maa El Ainin his
representative in the Sahara region, and it was partly the Makhzen’s
(central government) policy which led Maa El Ainin to become the
leader of resistance. Maa El Ainin had always been on excellent terms
with the Cherifian government (the government of the Sultan), serving
it directly between 1890 and 1900 by combating the Spanish political
mission to Rio de Oro ( Wadi dahab), and the English commercial
enterprises in Cap Juby ( Tarfaya) .

In 1890 Sultan Moulay Hassan received Maa El Ainin in Marrakech ,
and six years later he was again received there by the young Sultan
Abdul-Aziz , in 1904 the Sultan and his representative Maa El Ainin
criticized strongly by rejecting the European activities which were
beginning to take place in the Sahara region . Maa El Ainin returned
to Smara invested with full powers of defence covering the entire
Sahara, in this respect a letter was sent by the Sultan to the Saharan
tribes clarifying Maa Ainin’s position and powers. Towards the end of
1905, Maa El Ainin declared war on the invaders of the Sahara
region .He received arms from he Sultan which were immediately
despatched to the forces waiting in Shanguit ( Mauritania) . The
sultan sent messengers to incite the Sahraouis to rise against the
French, who were already occupying many areas. Battles between the
French and Moroccan Sahraouis went throughout 1906. Maa El Ainin’s son
led a group of warriors who destroyed the French military convoys they
discovered in central and Western Sahara. Any tribes found
collaborating with the enemy were severely punished . In a few
months, Maa El Ainin’s troops had liberated almost the whole of the
south-western Sahara which would later become known as Mauritania. As
a result the Saharan tribes regarded Smara as the capital of victory,
and the Sultan as their only sovereign. The situation was worsening
in the North of Morocco, Sultan Abdul-Aziz was made to abdicate and
his place on the throne was taken by Moulay Hafid, from the beginning
of his reign Moulay Hafid made pacts with the colonial powers.
Moroccans were incensed as they saw Maa El Ainin’s greatest efforts
and victories undermined. In October 1909 Ma El Ainin understood that
Moulay hafid had lost the south and the north of the Kingdom, and he
decided to organize a march on Fes against the sultan and the French
army. He left in May 1910, followed by chiefs from all the Saharan
tribes. On June 3rd general Moinier and his French forces defeated a
combined force of six thousand men. The Saharan opposition was finally
crushed and Maa El Ainin badly wounded returned to Tiznit, and died
there on 23 October 1910 .( see the legal and historical relationship
between Morocco and western Sahara/ University of Salford/ Department
of politics and contemporary history / 1984 at British Library) .
In the Sahara, Maa El Ainin’s role was taken by his son EL Heiba,
although a courageous man, he was not a thinker like his father. In
1912, after the signing of the treaty establishing the Protectorate in
Morocco, the south grouped itself around El Haiba in Tiznit,
proclaiming him the Sultan; his power extended over Western Sahara. In
august he made triumphal entry into Marrakech leading fifteen thousand
men, but lost his battle against French troops on 6 September 1912.
The French occupied Agadir in 1913, and did not cease their
penetration into the South of Morocco. El Heiba also moved to the
south , when the nomads returned from their defence of southern
Morocco, they found that four hundred French soldiers and local
collaborators had blown up the main building in Smara, damaged the
library and burned the city, an event which became a symbol of
resistance.

The historical ties between Western Sahara and Morocco were evidenced
by the readiness of its inhabitants to fight colonising armies on
behalf of the Sultan. Moroccan sovereignty was accepted in Kenadsa,
Saoura , Taout a Tidikelt and all parts of the western Sahara ,
currency , taxes, and governors nominated by the central government
and prayers were said for the reigning monarchs .The legal ties
between Western Sahara and the kingdom of Morocco were actually
recognized in various treaties. These treaties are the basis to assess
the ties that always existed between Western Sahara and the Kingdom of
Morocco. To start with there is the Anglo-Moroccan agreement of 13
march 1895, clause I of which reads as follows:
“If this government buys the building etc…in the place above –
named From the above-named company, no-one will have any claim to
the Lands that are between Wadi Draa and cape boujdour, and which are
called Tarfaya above-named, and all the lands behind it, because all
this belongs to the Territory of Morocco” Great Britain thus
recognized that Moroccan territory extended to cape boujdour,
including Seguia al Hamra. Moreover, the letters annexed to the
treaty of 4 November 1911 signed between France and Germany state:
“Germany will not intervene in any special agreements which France and
Spain may think fit to conclude with each other on the subject of
Morocco comprises all the part of northern Africa which is situated
between Algeria, French west Africa and the Spanish colony of Rio de
Oro (wadi dahab)”

The Alaouite dynasty has ruled Morocco since the mid-seventeenth
century. In pre-colonial times, three of the Alaouite Sultans: Moulay
Rachid, Moulay Ismail, and Moulay Hassan, were already pursuing active
Saharan policies. In 1905-1906, Sultan Moulay Abdul Aziz sent military
support to Sheikh Maa el Ainin to support him in his fight against the
French. Morocco continued the struggle against its division and
occupation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Moroccan
resistance of the central government as well as of the popular level,
prevented the entire occupation of Western Sahara and the rest of
Moroccan territory until the beginning of the last century, when this
became unavoidable. However, the fight continued in different forms
and finally led to the recognition of Morocco’s incomplete
independence in 1956. The same level of determination and enthusiasm
to ensure national territorial integrity was shown in November 1959,
when late King Mohammed v made a speech confirming his desire and
determination to obtain the liberation of all colonized areas of his
kingdom. He said:
“it is natural that one of our main concerns should be the liberation
of occupied territories , and the return to our sovereignty of those
subjects who have against their will been separated from their
homeland without the consent of the legitimate authority” (See The
leading Moroccan Arabic newspaper Al Alam newspaper / front page / 20
November 1959). This speech was made three years after Morocco had
obtained incomplete independence which is why the late king stressed
the need for liberation of the occupied territories. In other words he
wanted to see the region of Western Sahara, as well as Ceuta and
Melilla restored to the homeland.

Morocco recovered its political independence on from France on
march2, 1956, under Sultan Mohammed V, who proclaimed himself king the
following year. The latter began the process of recovering the
territorial integrity of the lands which had acknowledged the
sovereignty of his forefathers. A month after the end of the French
protectorate, Morocco recovered the Spanish protectorate of Tetouan in
the northern part of the country. In august 1956, Morocco succeeded in
having the international control council for the international zone
around Tangiers repeal its status and reintegrated the city into the
kingdom. It took two more years until April 1958, for Spain to return
the zone of Tarfaya, which was governed under the colonial regime as
the “Spanish Sahara” immediately to its south. And it was only under
late king Hassan II, Mohammed V’s son and successor that Spain ceded
back Ifni, on the Atlantic coast of Morocco opposite the Canary
Islands, headquarters since 1934 of the governor-general of Spanish
Morocco. . It was the proclamation of Morocco’s independence in 1956
which inspired many Moroccans from the north and South to take up arms
against the Spanish regime in Western Sahara. The Moroccan Army of
liberation was formed by the guerrillas who had faced French and
Spanish colonialists before 1956 launching a war in 1957 against the
Spanish army in Western Sahara. They forced the Spanish Army to
withdraw all its garrisons from the interior including Smara in order
to defend a few strategic enclaves on the coast until the arrival of
reinforcements. The launching of a massive Franco- Spanish attack
called “Operation Ouragan” (Joint Franco – Spanish counter- attack
against the army of liberation took place in February 1958) almost
crushed the guerrilla movement. In 1957 the army of liberation turned
its attention to the enclave of Ifni up south of Morocco, hundreds of
guerrillas attacked the enclave , attacking seven Spanish frontier
posts during the night, on 11december the same year Spanish radio
announced that sixty-two Spanish troops including Five officers had
been killed and one hundred and fifteen wounded . Consequently some
eight thousand Spanish troops dug into fortified defence positions to
deter the army of liberation from trying to make an assault of Ifni,
for the following eleven and a half years, the Spanish did not try to
move out of the small fortified zone around Ifni and reoccupy the rest
of the enclave, which was finally ceded in its entirety to Morocco in
1969. While these events were unfolding in the town of Ifni , the army
of liberation was active on another front namely the Sahara region.
From mid – 1956 onwards many sahraouis began to enlist in the army of
liberation, which had its main, bases in Goulimine and Bou Izarkan
both areas seen as the doorway to the Sahara region. In june 1957
Madrid appointed a new governor- general of “Africa occidental
Espanola” General Mariano Gomez Zamalloa, who was willing to cooperate
with the French to stop the Moroccan guerrilla threat, shortage of men
and equipment explained the Spanish failure to end reinforcements to
Western Sahara, General Gomez decided to withdraw from the interior of
the Sahara to the coast, even Smara was abandoned to the Moroccan army
of liberation. Towards the end of 1957, clashes between the army of
liberation and Spanish forces became more frequent, the most serious
incident of all occurred on 13 January 1958b when fifty – one Spanish
troops were killed or wounded in a day-long battle at Edchera, twenty
kilometres southeast of Al Ayoun.
These events and the recapture of Ifni by the army of liberation in
November 1957 strengthened Madrid’s resolve. In September 1958, the
outline of a joint Franco- Spanish counter-attack on the Saharan
territories was drawn up. On 30 December in Paris the new government
headed by Felix Gaillard gave its assent and in the first week of
January 1958 the Spanish government also gave its approval. The code
name of his operation was “ OURAGAN” ( hurricane) . This operation
began on 10 February and involved some five thousand French and nine
thousand Spanish troops, as well as seventy French and sixty Spanish
aircrafts. The French manoeuvres were code-named “Ecouvillon”. In the
first stage of this campaign Guerrilla positions in Seguia al Hamra
came under attack, the second stage on 20-24 February was to attack
wadi dahab . The guerrilla forces were unable to defeat these two well-
equipped armies , and the Spanish re-established garrisons in the
interior of Western Sahara , the destruction of the army of liberation
in Western Sahara led in march 1958 to 13 000 Sahraoui refugees fled
the Sahara region . The Moroccan government offered permanent
employment to the members of the army of liberation in the regular
Moroccan army, among hem the father of the current leader of the
Polisario, other drifted back to Western Sahara , and on 25 February
1958 late king Mohammed V formally demanded the return of Western
Sahara to the motherland Morocco. He said in a famous speech in the
little oasis town of M’hamed on the edge of the Sahara:
“We will continue to do everything in our power to recover our Sahara
and all that which, by historical evidence and by the will of its
inhabitants, belongs as of right to our kingdom”

On November 6, 1975 , 350 000 unarmed Moroccans crossed from tarfaya
into the Sahara region called “ Spanish Sahara”, brandishing Moroccan
flags, portraits of King Hassan II, and copies of the Koran . The
green march demanded the return of Moroccan Sahara .Late King Hassan
II’s initiative in organizing this peaceful march to the Sahara led to
the Madrid agreement of 14 November 1975; it was in practical terms,
the first step towards the process of decolonization of the Saharan
region. The green march (Al Massira al khadra in Arabic), could be
described as the master stroke which resolved the dispute between
Morocco and Spain. Plans for the march, which was named after the
holy colour of Islam, were first announced by King Hassan II on 16
October 1975.recruting offices were set up throughout morocco, and by
20 of October as many as 524,000 volunteers were said to have
registered. The march caught the imagination of the Moroccan people.
It was portrayed as a holy march (jihad), and its participants were
told that they would be armed only with the Koran and they should
consider themselves as Mujahidin, or holy warriors, in a campaign to
reclaim Islamic territory from the Spanish invaders. The marchers
numbered 350,000 volunteers and gradually assembled in a vast tent
city near Tarfaya .It became evident to the Spanish government as much
as to western observers of this remarkable mobilization, that King
Hassan II would be unable to call off the march or fail in his pledge
to send the marchers across the border even if he had wished to do
so , he said : “ I can not turn 350, 000 Moroccans who have responded
to my call with enthusiasm into 350,000 frustrated Moroccans». As soon
as Spain accepted the reopening of negotiations, on 9 November 1975,
late king Hassan II ordered the marchers to return to their homes. On
14 November 1975, an accord was signed in Madrid to crown the
negotiations with Spain by Morocco and Mauritania, in accordance with
article 33 of the United Nations charter, and resolution 380.The
difference of opinion over Western Sahara which, until 1975, divided
Morocco and Spain does not therefore date from the time when the
United Nations organization took an interest in the issue. It dates
back to the period in Morocco’s history when during the nineteenth
century; the country was faced with the ambitious appetites of the
colonial powers and their desire to divide Morocco in order to
subjugate it.

Supported by Algeria’s strongman late president Houari Boumediane ,
the Polisario front who was established in the year 1973 by a number
of Sahraoui students at the border with Mauritania basically with the
aim to liberating the Sahara from Spain, rejected the Madrid accord
and demanded full independence for the territory , launched a
guerrilla campaign against the Moroccan and Mauritanian forces ,
Although the Polisario front enjoyed a heavy military support from
the Algerians ,and other countries the Moroccan army managed to
control more of 85 percent of the Sahara region and constructed the
“sand berm” a defensive shield consisting of a series of barriers of
sand and stone completed in 1987 . Since then the Polisario front has
been largely confined to its camps around Tindouf in Western Algeria,
lost its guerrilla war against Morocco , and also the diplomatic and
military support of most of the world countries .

King Mohammed VI, immediately after his enthronement in 1999, set
forth a development strategy built on social and economic development.
Initially, the new young king is seen as a reformer, keen to
liberalize the economy, root out corruption and establish the rule of
law and democracy. When he was crown prince he was beside his father
late king Hassan II in most the national and international activities,
and in particular when it comes to the Western Sahara issue. In this
respect during summer of 1996 a delegation of the Polisario front led
by Bachir Mustapha Said met the crown prince then Sidi Mohammed, that
was in practical terms his first direct and secret meeting with the
Polisario delegation in Morocco, the aim of the meeting was about the
application of Autonomy principle in western Sahara, in fact the
Polisario delegation was in favour of such settlement and also of
continuing direct negotiations with the late king Hassan II.

Even if the idea of autonomy is not new, Morocco has recently
proposed a project for a substantial autonomy of Western Sahara. The
project consists of giving Western Sahara a large autonomy within
Moroccan sovereignty. Sahraouis are expected to be offered a
Parliament with power over local policies in terms of management and
decisions concerning southern provinces; cabinet ministries, and their
own judiciary, but the Moroccan flag would fly over the territory, the
currency and stamps would be Moroccan, and the Moroccan king would
remain the highest religious authority in the land. It is in the same
context that the royal advisory council for Saharan affairs,
commonly known by its French acronym CORCAS, was created by King
Mohammed VI in march 2006, by enhancing its official status and
defining its role to “foster the culture of dialogue, and thus pave
the way for our citizens to help in this process and make practical
proposals on matters pertaining to our country’s territorial
integrity” (speech of 25th of march delivered by the monarch of
Morocco). This culture of dialogue is the king’s innovative
initiative to seek solutions to significant issues facing Morocco. In
2004, Morocco’s truth and reconciliation commission was created to
investigate past human rights violations and propose political and
judicial reforms which were approved by the king. CORCAS was another
example of the king innovative approach to make use of dialogue to
find solutions to complex social and economic issues. It is worth
mentioning that CORCAS is composed of 140 members (among them 14
women) they represent an ethnic, political, and tribal section of
Moroccan society most of CORCAS’s members are representatives from all
Sahraoui tribes, including the father of the Polisario leader Mohammed
Abdelaziz.

The plan of a substantial autonomy transfers competences and creates
local institutions (legislative and executive) within the framework of
Moroccan sovereignty .It is worth mentioning that autonomy is seen by
experts in international law as a very advanced form of self
determination. This plan has been subject to large consultations with
the sahraoui populations and Moroccan political parties, before being
approved by the young king. On Wednesday, April 11, 2007 the Moroccan
government submitted its proposal for a substantial autonomy for the
Western Sahara region to the secretary general of the United Nations
organization, taking the first step, which the international community
has called for repeatedly, toward a political direct dialogue with the
parties concerned.
In its 1754 resolution, on Monday, April 30, 2007 the UN Security
Council “calls upon the parties to enter into negotiations without
preconditions in good faith. The security council in its resolution
concerning western Sahara has taken note of the Moroccan proposal
presented to the UN secretary general “...and welcoming serious and
credible Moroccan efforts to move the process forward towards
resolution” it is an explicit recognition to the efforts made by
Morocco, after long and various consultations with the international
community ..The 1754 resolution is a fruit of Moroccan endless efforts
to overcome the present deadlock.
Morocco’s proposal was in no doubt supported by a large number of
countries all over the world, among others the USA ,France, and Spain
which openly congratulated Morocco for proposing and submitting a
courageous and revolutionary project entitled "Moroccan initiative for
Negotiating an Autonomy Statute for the Sahara region" whereas the
Polisario proposal as the UN's secretary general former personal envoy
for Sahara, Peter Van Walsum described it «it is consistent With
Polisario well known positions" he added that self- determination does
not have to mean independence. There are many examples in the world
where concerned populations chose, following referendum consultations
or other, autonomy or total integration».
The young King’s proposal was prepared upon the request of the
international community, and it has been a subject to large
consultations with sahraouis, it is wise that all parties concerned
including Algeria consider the King’s proposal as a basis for any
future settlement . Morocco remains open to this solution that
preserves its sovereignty, and territorial integrity, and that allows
populations to manage directly, and democratically their local
affairs. Morocco is ready to engage in a constructive negotiation to
contribute concretely in the process of achieving a last and fair
settlement to the Western Sahara issue.

The majority of Sahraouis back the process of autonomy under the
Moroccan sovereignty. They are proud to belong to the Moroccan nation.
Through out the history not even one sahraoui opted for separatism,
not even the parents and families of the present Polisario
leadership. Having said that the present deadlock is a result to the
Algerian non commitment to its explicit statement, which says that it
does not consider itself as part of the dispute, facts on the ground
shows unfortunately that Algeria encourages the non elected and non
democratic Polisario leadership to radicalism, on one hand, and to
refuse any peaceful settlement within the framework of a large
autonomy. Despite of the Algerian continued sabotage, Sahraouis fully
and unconditionally support the autonomy project, whether they are in
LAAYOUN, SEMARA, BOUJDOUR, DAKHLA, AWSSARD, and even in the Tindouf
camps.

Morocco has submitted a courageous and revolutionary project entitled
“Moroccan Initiative for Negotiating an Autonomy Statute for the
Sahara region” whereas the Polisario proposal, as the UN’s secretary
general personal envoy for Sahara, Peter Van Walsum described it “ it
is consistent with Polisario well known positions” he added that self-
determination does not have to mean independence. There are many
examples in the world where concerned populations chose, following
referendum consultations or other, autonomy or total integration”. The
Moroccan proposal is an answer to the UN Security Council resolutions
and to the constant international community appeals for a political
solution to the Western Sahara issue, as it is a fruit of national and
international consultations. Although both Algeria and Polisario
refused the Moroccan proposal, before it was submitted to the UN, and
even before finding out about the content of it .the secretary general
former personal envoy for Sahara Van Walsum stated that the Moroccan
proposal to grant substantial autonomy to the western Sahara “was the
result of an extended political process of national and international
consultations». As far as the role of Algeria in the conflict Mr
Walsum recognized the pre-eminent role of Algeria, “Algeria has in
this whole dossier (Sahara issue) played an absolutely pre-
eminent ,dominant role ever since1975” this is the first time that a
senior UN official dealing directly with the western Sahara issue that
recognized explicitly in a diplomatic Worthing the extent of
Algerians direct involvement in the western Sahara dispute ,and even
in the decision making on behalf of the separatist movement called
Polisario while Algiers keeps insisting that “it is not a part in the
conflict”.

The majority of Sahraouis support the substantial autonomy project
under Moroccan sovereignty, since it was elaborated by the CORCAS ,
whose members represent undoubtedly two thirds of the Sahraoui
population, even those who are living in Tindouf camps (in most cases
against their will) have expressed loudly their approval to the
Moroccan proposal . The Moroccan Substantial autonomy Plan should
be seen by parties concerned as an initiative that achieves the
principal of self-determination, through a free, modern and democratic
expression regarding the autonomy statute .It is in no doubt in
conformity with international legality as well as with international
norms, and standards applicable in area of autonomy. Therefore it is
wise for all parties concerned, and particularly the Polisario to
consider the substantial autonomy proposal as a basis for any future
settlement because it aims to come up with a peaceful solution where
there is neither a winner nor a loser, and in respect of dignity of
all parties. The UN charter, the ultimate international jurisprudence
stipulates that self-determination must take into account the
territory integrity and unity, so autonomy remains one of the best
solutions for self –determination, this type of substantial autonomy
exists in the most highly developed countries across the world. The
Moroccan’s language was purposefully broad to allow for open debate,
Morocco remains open to this solution that preserves its sovereignty,
and territorial integrity, and that allows populations to manage
directly, and democratically their local affairs . To this aim,
Morocco is already engaged in direct negotiations with the Polisario
to contribute concretely to its success. In the pursuit of this
objective the kingdom of Morocco hopes to rely on the good will of all
those who are committed to create favourable conditions for a
political solution that enables the populations in the refugee camps
inside Algeria to finally join their families and that allow Maghreb
states to find unity and solidarity. The United Nations charter, the
ultimate international jurisprudence, stipulates that self-
determination must take into account the territorial integrity and
unity, that is exactly why autonomy remains one of the best
solutions for self-determination, this type of autonomy exists in the
most highly developed countries across the world, this conflict
created a centre of tension in the northwest of Africa encouraged by
the proliferation of human traffic, in particular in the form of
clandestine immigration, weapons trafficking, drugs, the deviation of
goods in Tindouf refugee camps, as well as the appearance of
terrorism

The Moroccan proposal not only was well received around the world as a
significant step forward, but is in line with the international
standards, and respects the regional specifities and the expectations
of local populations; it is an open and constructive response to the
expectations of the UN Security Council. Most of the world countries
welcomed with interest the autonomy proposal, as to the United Nations
the message was crystal clear, through its resolutions 1754,1783, and
1813 “welcoming serious and credible Moroccan efforts to move the
process forward towards resolution”.

The international community would like to see “entente” takes shape
between all the parties; it does advocate political dialogue because
it is the shortest path so that peace and harmony prevail in the North
African country.