REPRINTED FROM "MODELS FOR WRITERS" FIFTH EDITION:
DEATH AND JUSTICE: HOW CAPITAL PUNISHMENT AFFIRMS LIFE
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Edward I. Koch
NOTE: Originally published in the New Republic, April 1985
Last December a man named Robert Lee Willie, who had
been convicted of raping and murdering an 18-year-old
woman, was executed in the Louisiana state prison. In a
statement issued several minutes before his death, Mr.
Willie said: "Killing people is wrong...It makes no
difference whether it's done by citizens, countries, or
governments. Killing is wrong." Two weeks later in
South Carolina, an admitted killer named Joseph Carl
Shaw was put to death for murdering two teenagers. In an
appeal to the governor for clemency, Mr. Shaw wrote:
"Killing is wrong when I did it. Killing is wrong when
you do it. I hope you have th courage and moral strength
to stop the killing."
It is a curiosity of modern life that we find ourselves
being lectured on morality by cold-blooded killers. Mr.
Willie previously had been convicted of aggravated rape,
aggravated kidnapping, and the murders of a Louisiana
deputy and man from Missouri. Mr. Shaw committed another
murder a week before the for which he was executed, and
admitted mutilating the body of the 14-year-old girl he
killed. I can't help wondering what prompted these
murderers to speak out against killing as they entered
the deathhouse door. Did their newfound reverence for
life stem from the realization that they were about to
lose their own?
Life is indeed precious, and I believe the death penalty
helps to affirm this fact. Had the death penalty been a
real possibility in the minds of these murderers, they
well have stayed their hand. They might have shown moral
awareness before their victims died, and not after.
Consider the tragic death of Rosa Velez, who happened to
be home when a man named Luis Vera burglarized her apartment
in Brooklyn. "Yeah, I shot her," Vera admitted. "She knew
me, and I knew I wouldn't go to the chair."
During my twenty-two years in public service, I have heard
the pros and cons of capital punishment expressed with
special intensity. As a district leader, councilman,
congressman, and mayor, I have represented constituencies
generally thought of as liberal. Because I support the
death penalty for heinous crimes of murder, I have sometimes
been the subject of emotional and outraged attacks by voters
who find my position reprehensible or worse. I have
listened to their ideas. I have weighed their objections
carefully. I still support the death penalty. The reasons
I maintain my position can be best understood by examining
the arguments most frequently heard in opposition:
1. THE DEATH PENALTY IS "BARBARIC".: Sometimes opponents of
capital punishment horrify with tales of lingering death on
the gallows, of faulty electric chairs, or of agony in the
gas chamber. Partly in response to such protests, several
states such as North Carolina and Texas switched to execution
by lethal injection. The condemned person is put to death
painlessly, without ropes, voltage, bullets, or gas. Did
this answer the objections of death penalty opponents? Of
course not. On June 22, 1984, the New York Times published
as editorial that sarcastically attacked the new "hygienic"
method of death by injection, and stated that "execution
can never be made humane through science." So it's not the
method that really troubles opponents. It's the death
itself that they consider barbaric.
Admittedly, capital punishment is not a pleasant topic.
However, one does not have to like the death penalty in
order to support it any more than one must like radical
surgery, radiation, or chemotherapy in order to find
necessary these attempts at curing cancer. Ultimately we
may learn how to cure cancer with a simple pill.
Unfortunately, that day has not yet arrived. Today we
are faced with the choice of letting the cancer spread or
trying to cure it with the methods available, methods that
one day will almost certainly be consider barbaric. But
to give up and do nothing would be far more barbaric and
would certainly delay the discovery of an eventual cure.
The analogy between cancer and murder is imperfect because
murder is not the "disease" we are trying to cure. The
disease is injustice. We may not like the death penalty,
but it must be available to punish crimes of cold-blooded
murder, cases in which any other form of punishment would
be inadequate and, therefore, unjust. If we create a
society in which injustice is not tolerated, incidents of
murder - the most flagrant form of injustice - will
diminish.
2. NO OTHER MAJOR DEMOCRACY USES THE DEATH PENALTY.:
No other major democracy - in fact, few other countries
of any description - are plagued by a murder rate such
as that in the United States. Fewer and fewer Americans
can remember the days when unlocked doors were the norm
and murder was a rare and terrible offense. In America
the murder rate climbed 122 percent between 1963 and 1980.
During that same period, the murder rate in New York City
increased by almost 400 percent, and the statistics are
even worse in many other cities. A study at M.I.T.
showed that, based on 1970 homicide rates, a person who
lives in a large American city runs a greater risk of
being murdered than an American soldier in WWII ran of
being killed in combat. It is not surprising that the
laws of each country differ according to differing
conditions and traditions. If other countries has our
murder problem, the cry for capital punishment would be
just as loud as it is here. And I daresay that any other
major democracy where 75 percent of the people supported
the death penalty (as they do here) would soon enact it
into law.
3. AN INNOCENT PERSON MIGHT BE EXECUTED BY MISTAKE.:
Consider the work of Hugo Adam Bedau, one of the most
implacable foes of capital punishment in this country.
According to Mr. Bedau, it is "false sentimentality to
argue that the death penalty should be abolished because
of the abstract possibility that an innocent person might
be executed." He cites a study of the 7,000 executions
in this country from 1893 to 1971, and concludes that
the record fails to show that such cases occur. The
main point, however, is this. If government functioned
only when the possibility of error didn't exist,
government wouldn't function at all. Human life deserves
special protection, and one of the best ways to guarantee
that protection is to assure that convicted murderers do
not kill again. Only the death penalty can accomplish
this end. In a recent case in New Jersey, a man named
Richard Biegenwald was freed from prison after serving 18
years for murder; since his release he has been convicted
of committing four murders. A prisoner named Lemuel
Smith, who, while serving four life sentences for murder
(plus two life sentences for kidnapping and robbery) in
New York's Green Haven Prison, lured a woman corrections
officer into the chaplain's office and strangled her.
He then mutilated and dismembered her body. An additional
life sentence for Smith is meaningless. Because New York
has no death penalty statute, Smith has effectively been
given a license to kill.
But the problem of multiple murder is not confined to the
nation's penitentiaries. In 1981, 91 police officers were
killed in the line of duty in this country. Seven percent
of those arrested in the cases that have been solved had
a previous arrest for murder. In New York City in 1976 and
1977, 85 persons arrested for homicide had a previous arrest
for murder. Six of these individuals had two previous
arrests for murder, and one had four previous murder arrests.
During those two years the New York police were arresting
for murder persons with a previous arrest for murder on the
average of every 8.5 days. This is not surprising when we
learn that in 1975, for example, the median time served in
Massachusetts for homicide was less than two and a half
years. In 1976 a study sponsored by the Twentieth Century
Fund found that the average time served in the United States
for first-degree murder is ten years. The median time served
is considerably less.
4. CAPITAL PUNISHMENT CHEAPENS THE VALUE OF HUMAN LIFE.:
On the contrary, it can easily be demonstrated that the death
penalty strengthens the value of human life. If the penalty
for rape were lowered, clearly it would signal a lessened
regard for the victims' suffering, humiliation, and personal
integrity. It would cheapen their horrible experience, and
expose them to an increased danger of recurrence. When we
lower the penalty for murder, it signals a lessened regard
for the value of the victim's life. Some critics of capital
punishment, such as columnist Jimmy Breslin, have suggested
that a life sentence is actually a harsher penalty for murder
than death. This is sophistic nonsense. A few killers may
decide not to appeal a death sentence, but the overwhelming
majority make every effort to stay alive. It is by exacting
the highest penalty for the taking of human life that we
affirm the highest value of human life.
5. THE DEATH PENALTY IS APPLIED IN A DISCRIMINATORY MANNER.:
This factor no longer seems to be the problem it once was.
The appeals process for a condemned prisoner is lengthy and
painstaking. Every effort is made to see that the verdict
and sentence were fairly arrived at. However, assertions of
discrimination are not an argument for ending the death
penalty but for extending it. It is not justice to exclude
everyone from the penalty if a few are found to be so favored.
Justice requires that the law be applied equally to all.
6. THOU SHALT NOT KILL.: The Bible is our greatest source of
moral inspiration. Opponents of the death penalty frequently
cite the sixth of the Ten Commandments in an attempt to
prove that capital punishment is divinely proscribed. In
the original Hebrew, the Sixth Commandment reads, "Thou Shalt
Not Commit Murder," and the Torah specifies capital punishment
for a variety of offenses. The Biblical viewpoint has been
upheld by philosophers throughout history. The greatest
thinkers of the 19th Century - Kant, Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau,
Montesquieu, and Mill - agreed that natural law authorizes
the sovereign to take life in order to vindicate justice.
Only Jeremy Bentham was ambivalent. Washington, Jefferson,
and Franklin endorsed it. Abraham Lincoln authorized
executions for deserters in wartime. Alexis de Tocqueville,
who expressed profound respect for American institutions,
believed that the death penalty was indispensable to the
support of social order. The United States Constitution,
widely admired as one of the seminal achievements in the
history of humanity, condemns cruel and inhuman punishment,
but does not condemn capital punishment.
7. THE DEATH PENALTY IS STATE-SANCTIONED MURDER.: This is
this defense with which Messrs. Willie and Shaw hoped to
soften the resolve of those who sentenced them to death.
By saying in effect, "You're no better than I am," the
murderer seeks to bring his accusers down to his own level.
It is a popular argument among opponents of capital
punishment, but a transparently false one. Simply put,
the state has rights that the private individual does not.
In a democracy, those rights are given to the state by the
electorate. The execution of a lawfully condemned killer
is no more an act of murder than is legal imprisonment an
act of kidnapping. If an individual forces a neighbor to
pay him money under threat of punishment, it's called
extortion. If the state does it, it's called taxation.
Rights and responsibilities surrendered by the individual
are what give the state its power to govern. This contract
is the foundation of civilization itself.
Everyone wants his of her rights, and will defend them
jealously. Not everyone, however, wants responsibilities,
especially the painful responsibilities that come with
law enforcement. Twenty-one years ago a woman named Kitty
Genovese was assaulted and murdered on a street in New
York. Dozens of neighbors heard her cries for help but
did nothing to assist her. They didn't even call the police.
In such a climate the criminal understandably grows bolder.
In the presence of moral cowardice, he lectures us on our
supposed failings and tries to equate his crimes with our
quest for justice.
The death of anyone - even a convicted killer - diminishes
us all. But we are diminished even more by a justice
system that fails to function. It is an illusion to let
ourselves believe that doing away with capital punishment
removes the murderer's deed from our conscience. The
rights of society are paramount. When we protect guilty
lives, we give up innocent ones in exchange. When opponents
of capital punishment say to the state, "I will not let
you kill in my name," they are also saying to murderers,
"You can kill in your own name as long as I have an excuse
for not getting involved."
It is hard to imagine anything worse than being murdered
while neighbors do nothing. But something worse exists.
When those same neighbors shrink back from justly punishing
the murderer, the victim dies twice.
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Comments, people?
Adam Bernay
Elect Dan Lungren California Governor in 1998