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Pedro del Valle, Bonner Fellers and DAC by Kevin Coogan

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Anastase Vonsiatsky

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Dec 17, 2003, 11:10:39 PM12/17/03
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KEVIN COOGAN


THE DEFENDERS OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AND THE LEAGUE OF EMPIRE
LOYALISTS: THE FIRST POSTWAR ANGLO-AMERICAN REVOLTS AGAINST THE "ONE
WORLD ORDER"

The belief that any participation in global institutions such as the
United Nations poses a clear threat to national sovereignty has been a
cornerstone of the Anglo-American far right stretching back to the
1950s. This study examines one of the earliest of such groups, the
Defenders of the American Constitution (DAC), an organization of
retired high ranking American military officers that was founded in
1953 and led by former Marine Corps Lieutenant General Pedro del Valle
(1893-1978). I also look at the DAC's British counterpart, Arthur
Keith (A.K.) Chesterton's League of Empire Loyalists (LEL), which was
founded in 1954. The DAC and LEL continually warned against what they
claimed was an attempt by murky international conspirators to strip
U.S. and U.K. citizens of all vestiges of national sovereignty and
patriotic feeling in order to reduce them to helpless slaves of a vast
police state administered under the banner of the United Nations.
Anti-globalist arguments first developed by groups like the DAC and
LEL in the early 1950s continue to resonate inside the far right
militia movement today.

The DAC and LEL were equally obsessed with the notion that there
existed an organized Jewish conspiracy intent on building a "One World
Order." Although both groups were fiercely anti-Semitic, neither of
them was "Nazi." Appeals – both overt and covert – to National
Socialism were absent from their publications. The DAC and LEL existed
in a twilight world that included far right military men, religious
fundamentalists, Franco supporters, staunch segregationists and
longtime anti-Semites. It is the core conspiratorial anti-Semitic
belief structure of both organizations that places them well beyond
the confines of conventional political discourse.

Part One: Pedro Del Valle and the Creation of the DAC

WHO WAS PEDRO DEL VALLE?

The stereotype of the American far rightist as a buffoonish figure
with little sense of the outside world could not be less apt when
looking at Pedro del Valle, the DAC's founder and leader until his
death in 1978 at age 85.

Pedro Augusto Jose del Valle Barcay Muñoz was born on August 28, 1893,
in San Juan, Puerto Rico, when it was still under the control of
Imperial Spain. His father, Francesco, a surgeon and former mayor of
San Juan, had been educated at the University of Seville, the
Sorbonne, and Johns Hopkins. In 1900 Pedro del Valle became an
American citizen after his family relocated from Puerto Rico to
Maryland. Upon graduation from the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis,
del Valle joined the United States Marine Corps (USMC). He first saw
action in 1916, when he participated in the capture of Santo Domingo.
In World War I he led a Marine Corps detachment on the USS Texas that
deployed with the British Grand Fleet.

In the late 1920s del Valle was stationed in Haiti before becoming
active in the war against Augusto Sandino in Nicaragua. He later
reported that as a young officer, "I found everywhere evidence of
Communist organization commencing with Sandino's red bandits." He
next served in Havana as an intelligence officer under Admiral Charles
Freeman following the 1933 Cuban Sergeant's Revolt. Del Valle was then
assigned to Rome, where he served as an Assistant Naval Attaché in the
U.S. Embassy from October 1935 to June 1937. He accompanied the
Italian Armed Forces in the conquest of Ethiopia as a U.S. military
observer and received the Order of the Crown of Italy, the Colonial
Order of the Star of Italy, and the Italian Bronze Medal for Military
Valor. During his stint in Ethiopia, del Valle also became good
friends with some of Fascist Italy's top military officers.

Following his return to the United States to attend the Army War
College, del Valle worked at USMC headquarters as an Executive Officer
in the Division of Plans and Policies. During World War II, he led the
11th Marine Regiment of the First Marine Division in the defense of
Guadalcanal where he earned the Legion of Merit. After a brief stint
in Washington, del Valle again returned to the Pacific in April 1944,
this time as Commanding General of the Third Artillery, Third
Amphibious Corps, and fought the Japanese on Guam. His crowning
achievement came when, as Commanding General of the First Marine
Division, he played a critical role in the capture of Okinawa in June
1945 for which he was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. After
the war, he again returned to Washington serving first as the USMC
Inspector General and – from 1946 to his retirement in 1948 – as
Director of Personnel for the Marines.

After his retirement and in financial debt, del Valle turned to
Sosthenes Behn, the head of ITT and an old friend of his father, for
employment. Behn first chose him to represent ITT in the Middle East.
>From his office in Cairo, del Valle visited Istanbul, Damascus, Beirut
and Athens. After a short stint at ITT's Rome office, he relocated to
Buenos Aires, Argentina, where he served as president of ITT for all
South America.

OVERTURES TO THE FAR RIGHT

Del Valle's ties to the radical right – ties that almost certainly
existed during his Marine Corps days – continued unabated while he
worked for ITT. On 12/19/49, for example, he sent a letter of support
to Conde McGinley, founder of Common Sense, one of the most notorious
far right and anti-Semitic journals in America. Del Valle told
McGinley, "If the Truman welfare state triumphs we shall lose our
republic and emerge a very sad socialist oligarchy which will shortly
be overthrown by a communist dictatorship." In another letter, del
Valle reported, "I have warned Senator McCarthy because I know his
life is in danger." In an 8/8/50 missive to Captain J.M. Kimbraugh,
del Valle claimed

Treason is everywhere about us and I do not believe that we have any
chance unless some strong military person is able to seize power by
means of a "coup d'etat" and take the Communist bull by the horns
right at home.

In still another letter from Buenos Aires, del Valle said, "If the
Truman government were not completely in the power of the
Zionist-Marxist minority, we should not have any difficulty" in
getting the United States to leave the UN as long as Russia remained a
member.

Del Valle's increasing public visibility, which included the insertion
of his 1951 "Open Letter to President Truman" into the Congressional
Record, made Behn increasingly uncomfortable. Nor did his position
improve after ITT's Washington representative labeled him
anti-Semitic. In late 1951 del Valle left ITT and returned to his home
in Maryland.

CLASHES WITH THE CIA

While still in Buenos Aires, del Valle regularly wrote letters to
the Pentagon and CIA urging them to create a new organization under
the command of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to wage guerrilla warfare
behind Soviet and Chinese lines, an organization that he offered to
lead. Del Valle then received an invitation from Admiral Forrest
Sherman, Chief of Naval Operations, to visit Washington to discuss his
ideas. After arriving in D.C, however, del Valle was told that Admiral
Sherman was away but that Walter Bedell Smith, the new head of the
CIA, wanted to meet him. One of Eisenhower's closest aides in World
War II, Bedell Smith had just replaced Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter at
CIA. Instead of discussing plans for guerrilla warfare, Bedell Smith
told del Valle that "he had just the job" for him as head of the CIA
station in Japan. He did so in the false belief that del Valle "had
crossed swords" with General MacArthur during World War II and would
therefore be willing to help "pull the rug out from under MacArthur."
Del Valle promptly informed Bedell Smith that he considered MacArthur
"the ablest general and statesman the country possessed."

The confrontation between del Valle and Bedell Smith also echoed a
longstanding dispute inside U.S. Intelligence dating back to World War
II when General MacArthur prevented the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS), the precursor agency to the CIA, from effectively functioning
in areas under his command. The CIA's reluctance to engage in
aggressive "rollback" operations against the Soviet Union further
angered hardliners.

CREATING A POLITICAL/PARAMILITARY NETWORK

Del Valle's clash with the CIA took place at a time when the
predominantly Midwest-based isolationist wing of the Republican Party
was coming under increasing attack from the internationalist branch of
the Party. The internationalists' roots were largely in East Coast
banking and industrial interests as well as in
internationalist-oriented policy organizations like the Council on
Foreign Relations and the Ford Foundation. Ivy League graduates from
elite Eastern families also played a prominent role in organizations
like the CIA. The struggle between the "isolationists" and the
"internationalists" for the soul of the GOP reached a peak at the
party's 1952 convention. Senator Robert A. Taft, the choice of the
isolationists, entered the convention hall with an apparent clear
majority of delegates, only to lose the nomination to former General
Dwight D. Eisenhower after a series of questionable parliamentary
maneuvers disqualified a number of key Taft delegates.

Del Valle, for his part, set out to organize a network of hard right
organizations to galvanize public opinion against the internationalist
elite. In a 7/19/51 letter to an American rightist named Jane Graham,
he argued, "We must organize the citizens in each state as vigilantes
against sabotage and other forms of treason. Then link them up in some
national headquarters." Del Valle initially placed his hopes in
America Plus Inc., a Los Angeles-based group that operated in some
fourteen states. In an 8/14/51 letter to America Plus leader Irvin
Borders, del Valle stated

I am going to suggest that we have a body of Minutemen or vigilantes,
which in fact all your members are. While your movement is entirely
political, the vigilantes could in addition have a semi-military
purpose in checking the violence and sabotage, which the enemy
constantly perpetrates in our country.

In an 8/27/51 letter he sent from Buenos Aires to General Douglas
MacArthur in New York (with copies to leading right-wingers Merwin K.
Hart, Conde McGinley, Major R.H. Williams, California Senator Jack
Tenney and Lt. General A.C. Wedemeyer [Ret.]), del Valle called for
the creation of The Minutemen of America. Its most important functions
would include "Intelligence, Operations, Supply, Finance, Public
Relations and Personnel." The "central authority of the Minutemen"
would

keep the members advised of sabotage, intended sabotage, and all
subversive activities. At such times as appropriate, the necessary
action will be taken to supplement the work of the FBI in bringing
subversives to justice, and especially in forestalling them in their
nefarious activity wherever possible.

When confronting "saboteurs," particularly inside the labor movement,
del Valle warned that "great resistance, and some violence, is to be
expected."

In his draft articles of incorporation for the Minutemen, del Valle
said it would be organized with

one squad leader and four men each, at the smallest local level; into
platoons of one platoon leader and two or more squads each at the next
largest level; into companies of 100 men led by a centurion; commandos
led by commanders of two or more companies; into legions of two or
more commandos led by a legionary, and finally, at state level, into
divisions led by a State Councilor.

Del Valle's draft also included a denunciation of the supposed threat
to U.S. sovereignty posed by the UN:

Further to corrupt, misinterpret and weaken our national fundamental
political philosophy we have become a member of a huge international
aggregation, known as the United Nations, into which the United States
of America has surrendered a large part of its sovereignty into the
hands of a heterogeneous conglomeration of representatives of all
races, colors, and states of enlightenment, most of whom cannot
properly "represent" their peoples because they did not select them,
and none of whose interests exactly coincide with ours.

In the United Nations Christianity, the basis of our form of
government, can only with difficulty make its voice heard in this
modern Tower of Babel amidst the din and clangor of clashing
materialistic interests, including those of Soviet Russia, our sworn
enemy and protagonists of anti-Christ.

Americans, he argued, were especially threatened with proposed
international agreements like the "so-called ‘Genocide Convention'"
which would allow a U.S. citizen "without his consent, because he has
caused mental discomfort to a certain minority, [to] be deported for
trial in a foreign land by a foreign court" and thus be denied "our
guarantees of free speech, trial by a jury, and habeas corpus."

Del Valle elaborated on his belief that America was under siege in a
letter to Marine Corps Colonel Samuel Griffith. He told Griffith:
"should our own government unfortunately fall into the hands of the
Communist Anti-Christ, I for one will follow my great-grandfather's
example [who fought with Wellington against the French in Spain – KC]
and will take to the hills, gun in hand, until I am killed or they are
driven out!"

LAUNCHING THE DAC

After meeting in Washington's Army-Navy Club in 1953, del Valle, Lt.
Col. John H. Coffman, USMC (Ret.), and Lt. Col. Eugene Cowles Pomeroy
(Ret.) formed the Defenders of the American Constitution with del
Valle as president to spread the anti "One Worldist" gospel into the
highest ranks of the U.S. military. Coffman, the DAC's secretary and
legal counsel, had seen action in Nicaragua, China, and Guadalcanal
during his service with the Marines. As for Pomeroy, he had served in
World War I as well as on intelligence missions in the Far East. An
Executive Council also was established with Brigadier General Bonner
Fellers (Ret.) as Chairman. Other members included Major General
Claire Chennault, USAF (Ret.), one of the leading figures in the
pro-Taiwan "China Lobby," as well as a handful of right-wingers from
civilian backgrounds.

The DAC first gained public notice in December 1953 after Coffman
filed a Habeas Corpus proceeding in the U.S. District Court in
Washington, D.C., against the Secretaries of State, Defense and the
Army in the "Keefe Case," named after Army Private Richard Keefe, who
was serving with U.S. forces in France. After getting drunk one night
and driving off from a bistro in a stolen cab, Keefe was arrested by
local gendarmes. The French government then decided to put Keefe on
trial instead of following the usual procedure of turning him over to
American MP's for an Army court-martial. The DAC turned the incident
into a cause celebre and argued that the Senate ratification of a
treaty placing U.S. servicemen in foreign countries under the
jurisdiction of local authorities was an abrogation of their rights
under the U.S. Constitution.

The DAC further hoped the Keefe case would aid the Senate's passage of
the proposed "Bricker Amendment" to the Constitution. The measure,
introduced in 1951 by Ohio Senator John Bricker in the midst of the
Korean War, would have dramatically reduced the power given to the
President and Congress by the Constitution to negotiate and sign
foreign treaties by making treaty ratification essentially dependent
on the approval of the then 48 states. An article in the far right
News Bulletin of the Cinema Education Guild, reprinted by the DAC,
argued that the Bricker Amendment

will permanently curb those starry-eyed dreamers who are obsessed with
the illusion that we can solve all of our problems and emerge into a
shining new world by just eliminating all national governments . . .
and having in their place one big super-duper dictatorship to rule
"the brave new world."

In April 1953 hearings before Congress, pro-Bricker congressmen
mercilessly attacked Secretary of State John Foster Dulles over U.S.
involvement in foreign treaties. An exasperated Dulles responded by
insisting that the Bricker Amendment would have made even the creation
of NATO impossible; an argument that failed to win many converts. The
Senate finally defeated the Bricker Amendment by a single vote.

Taking advantage of the controversy surrounding the DAC, del Valle ran
for governor of Maryland, only to fail miserably in the Republican
primary. The DAC also began publishing its four page monthly
newsletter Task Force, whose first issue appeared in May 1954. Its
second issue prominently featured del Valle's "Open Letter to the
American People," where he laid out the DAC's views on foreign
entanglements:

We have seen the United Nations fail to promote peaceful intercourse
between its member nations, and to become a dangerous international
soapbox for the Kremlin. We have seen spies and saboteurs of the
Kremlin penetrate almost every branch of our own government. It is
reported that there are over five million illegally living in our
country. . . .We have seen our every effort to support the real
anti-communist nations, Nationalist China, South Korea, Germany and
Spain sabotaged by foreign influences. . . .

The impotence of the sinister United Nations has been amply
demonstrated. . . . Mere numerical majorities of peoples can override
our will . . . and can, through the devious means of treaties and
conventions forced upon us, open the way for the surrender of our
precious Constitution and Bill of Rights. The Beast of the Kremlin
sits in the highest councils, together with some of its puppets. Yet
Spain, the one country which has defeated communism within its borders
in a bloody conflict, is not invited to be a member.

Del Valle was not alone in his fervent opposition to the UN. The
September 1954 Task Force ran an article that quoted Indiana
Republican Senator William E. Jenner, who memorably described the UN
Charter as "the machine gun that looks like a baby carriage."
According to Jenner, the UN would abolish the Bill of Rights and
replace it with "a body of . . . privileges and duties modeled exactly
upon the Soviet Constitution." North Dakota Republican Congressman
Usher Burdick claimed that the "real purpose (of the UN) was to build
a world government controlled by the Communists and their dupes in the
United States."

THE CONTRADICTIONS OF A "SUPER PATRIOT"

Pedro del Valle appeared on the surface to be a somewhat
unconventional military man turned super patriot who appealed to the
heritage of George Washington and the Founding Fathers. An examination
of his personal papers, however, provides a much more complex picture.

Although del Valle regularly denounced "big government" for limiting
individual freedom – even calling for the abolition of both the IRS
and the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) – he clearly admired
Mussolini's Italy. After the war del Valle maintained good ties with
Italy's "Black Prince" Junio Valerio Borghese, whom he had first met
during the Ethiopia campaign. A convicted war criminal, Borghese
became one of Italy's most powerful postwar far rightists as well as
the first president of Italy's neo-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano
(MSI). Del Valle also argued that America should back Eastern
European governments-in-exile in order to encourage "so-called
‘fascist' groups" to build a new "underground" should the Soviet Union
overrun Europe militarily.

Del Valle was also close to Franco's Spain. In a 2/23/50 letter to
Nevada Senator Pat McCarran, del Valle even offered to become the
first U.S. Ambassador to Spain should America recognize Franco.
Through his good friend, the Madrid-based Marques de Prat y
Nantouillet, who headed a rightwing religious movement called Active
United Christians, del Valle met Franco in 1952. He returned to Spain
on other occasions, most notably in 1964 when he tried to help the
Marques put together an anti-communist "worldwide Christian movement"
with proposed financing from Arab nations and far right Texas
millionaires. During this visit, del Valle also met with another good
friend, General José Diaz Villegas, a member of the Spanish Army
general staff who had a special interest in Africa.

As a Hispanic Catholic, del Valle had little sympathy for Nordic
racialism and Nazi ideology. His view of Nazi Germany, however, was
peculiar to say the least. In an 8/9/1962 letter to J. Paul Thornton,
a California organizer for the far-right National States Rights Party
(NSRP), del Valle said:

I knew Mussolini personally and served with his forces in Ethiopia as
U.S. observer. I never met Hitler but lived in Germany under his
creation and believe he might somehow [have] fought free of his bosses
and created a free world far better than the one we now live in. But
let this be known! Hitler was sponsored and financed by the same House
of Rothschild bankers who eventually liquidated him.

From the late 1950s on, del Valle maintained a friendly
correspondence with American Nazi Party (ANP) leader George Lincoln
Rockwell and he gave Rockwell occasional small financial
contributions. Del Valle's main disagreement with Rockwell seems to
have been over the fact that the Nazis were anti-Christian. Del Valle
also had no hesitation in favorably citing a statement from Rockwell's
Nazi successor in his memoir Semper Fidelis.

THE DAC AND "THE KNIGHTS OF MALTA"

While working as an ITT executive in Buenos Aires in 1949, Del Valle
became involved with a group called the Suvarov Union, an
Argentine-based network of White Russian exiles. The Suvarov Union was
led by General Boris Smyslovsky-Holmston, a former White Russian
officer who had fought the Bolsheviks during the Civil War. He then
joined the German Army as "Colonel von Regenau" and led a fierce
guerrilla warfare campaign behind Soviet lines during World War II.
Smyslovsky-Holmston told del Valle that he had some 10,000 supporters
worldwide who were eager to open up offensive operations in Siberia
with American backing should the Pentagon approve such an operation.
The Suvarov Union, along with a group of far right Russian monarchists
based in New York and London, recognized the former Russian Grand Duke
Cyril – a Nazi sympathizer who lived in France during the 1930s – as
the true Czar.

The DAC's involvement with the White Russian community led many of its
members to join a far right pseudo-chivalric order known as the
"Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, Knights of Malta," which
was headquartered in the small town of Shickshinny, Pennsylvania. The
Military Affairs Committee of the Knights at one point included an
astonishing list of former generals and admirals, including del Valle,
Gen. Lemuel Shepherd, Lt. Gen. George Stratemeyer, Maj. Gen. Charles
Willoughby, Brig. Gen. Bonner Fellers, Admiral Charles M. Cooke and
Rear Admiral Francis T. Spellman among others. The "Shickshinny
Knights" were led by Charles Pichel, a Nazi sympathizer in the 1930s
who maintained murky ties to the White Russian community. Pichel
claimed that his Knights represented a branch of the Order that had
survived in Russia under the Emperor Paul I after Napoleon had
suppressed the main group. He further said he derived his order's
legitimacy from "Czar" Cyril himself.

Part Two: The DAC and Conspiracy Theory

THE DAC AGAINST "THE UNSEEN MASTERS"

Although in outward appearance the DAC seemed to be an association of
intensely anti-Communist former military men, Del Valle and his
colleagues never truly believed that there was an independent threat
to America from Russia. It is striking just how little information
there is about Soviet-style communism in the pages of Task Force.
There are no informed discussions about Politburo changes, Soviet
foreign policy, the Sino-Soviet split, or the composition and
deployment of Soviet military forces. This is because the DAC viewed
the U.S.-Soviet conflict through an intense conspiratorial prism. The
group argued that Russia itself was secretly controlled by a
"one-worldist conspiracy" led by Jewish banking houses headquartered
in New York City. Jacob Schiff, Paul Warburg and Bernard Baruch – and
not Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin – were the real
power behind twentieth century Communism. The June 1955 Task Force
claimed, "the Communist regimes are weak and their people rebellious.
The only strength they possess is the faction within the American
government which puts the Soviet Union first." [Italics in original.]
This mysterious "faction" was itself, of course, controlled by the
Jews.

The DAC viewed contemporary world history in general as a massive
conspiracy of shadow men, puppets and politicians controlled from
behind the scenes by a small cabal of secret Jewish masters. DAC fear
mongering came in two basic forms; the first downplayed the Hand of
Zion while the second highlighted it. While Task Force perpetually
alluded to the existence of a vast shadowy conspiracy, it frequently
avoided directly accusing the Jews of being in charge and let the
reader fill in the blanks.

One example of "Anti-Semitism Lite" comes in an article entitled
"Regardless of Who Is Elected President, Invisible Rulers Govern
United States" that appeared in the October 1955 Task Force. In it we
learn that top advisors to President Eisenhower – Including his
brother Milton and Nelson Rockefeller – exist "merely to transmit
orders handed down from higher sources much as a messenger boy
delivers a Western Union telegram." To see the "Unseen Masters" or
"International Conspirators" as composed of "any one racial group as
is so often charged" is wrong. But "to the extent that some racial
groups' representation in the World Conspiracy is greater" because
"they are more astute at seizing opportunity than others, more
avaricious in their greed for power, more skilled in the art of
deception and intrigue and more adept in the pursuits which
concentrate the bulk of the world's wealth in their hands," such
observations were accurate. Whatever the racial composition of the
conspiracy, "crack-brained" social scientists paid by wealthy
foundations and international bankers were now hard at work pushing
for "one universal government in which the industrial economy,
religious beliefs and social customs of the human race" would be
forced into a common mold resulting in "slavery for all men and
freedom for none."

The academic eggheads and bankers who used the UN to create the World
Bank, the Mutual Trade Agreements Act, and the International Labor
Organization were now ready to add on such "little frills as Human
Rights, Genocide, UNESCO, the social mixing and inter-marriage of the
white and black races" as well as "all the other queer little
ideological touches so dear to the hearts of the boys with the tinted
lips, mincing steps and high-pitched vocal equipment." The UN's
proposed power to interfere in domestic legislation would especially
wreck havoc with segregation and labor law. As an article in the
February 1955 Task Force stated, "Our marriage laws and our laws with
relation to employer and employee are no part of the United Nations."

COLONEL POMEROY'S FAMOUS MAP

In January 1955, Task Force revealed conclusive proof of the
conspirators' master plan for world domination in the form of a map.
DAC vice president Colonel Eugene Pomeroy said that on a 1954 trip to
London he had been given the map from a brave British woman patriot
who had infiltrated the September 1952 London conference of the World
Association of Parliamentarians for World Government (also known as
the United World Federalists). The map, which divided up the world
into a series of zones and regions with longitude and latitude lines
duly noted, was the World Parliamentarians attempt to envision a
rationally organized globe and not one split along preexisting
national political lines.

The DAC, however, saw the map as the blueprint for One World
domination that would commence once the UN began changing its Charter.
The map split the U.S. into four zones, leading Pomeroy to warn that
"a Mau Mau Chief" could rule the South "as Commissar" while the states
from "the Atlantic to the Rockies quite likely would be under the
dictatorship of Huk Filipinos while the Pacific Coast states in all
likelihood could expect a Red Chinese as their overlord." Because the
conspirators desired the standard of living throughout the world to be
uniform, they further planned to reduce the average American to
"somewhere on a level of an Australian Bushman, and practically all
American surplus production would be exported." The One World economy
would be built on "a deforested desert of America." Pomeroy then
warned,

The blueprint for One World will not tolerate control of immigration.
The United States can expect that its West Coast will be inundated by
hordes of Red Chinese coolies. The East and the rest of the country
can expect to be overrun by millions from the Levant, India, Malaya,
East Indies, Africa. The American branch of the white race will be
another "lost race" and would take its place in history along with the
Aztecs.

Of course to operate this global scheme, force, overwhelming force, is
essential. This has been foreseen and every national unit as now
existing must contribute recruits for an International Police. We can
look forward to being policed by Turks, Hindus, African Tribesmen and
Red Chinese distributed throughout the four regions.

Pomeroy concluded his article with the prediction that "by 1960, the
United States as we know it, Constitution and all, will disappear from
the Earth."

Far from repudiating Pomeroy's extraordinary claims when 1960 came
and went, del Valle embraced them. In an 8/30/63 letter to a
California far rightist West Wuichet, del Valle wrote:

As to the projected sub-division of the USA by the UN, we have
absolute proof of this from a fine British lady who became a United
World Federalist for the purpose. Task Force has published this
un-challenged three times. Make no mistake, this is part of the plan
of the take-over. The race war is just the cover for the main
operation and has fooled many otherwise intelligent White Christians.

Pomeroy's magic map, a contemporary version of The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion, was so popular that Task Force reprinted it three
times. The DAC also published the map – along with other documents
from the September 1952 London conference of the World Association of
Parliamentarians for World Government – as a special pamphlet.

FROM THE KHAZARS TO THE PROTOCOLS

Along with Anti-Semitism Lite, the DAC cognoscenti freely imbibed the
harder stuff. A far right book entitled Iron Curtain Over America,
which was published in 1951 by John Beaty, served as an ideological
linchpin for the DAC. An English professor and former head of Southern
Methodist University in Dallas, Beaty had been an Army Intelligence
(G-2) officer in Washington from1941 to 1947. Del Valle knew Beaty
and, after Beaty's death, his widow Josephine spent many years as the
DAC's Vice President.

Beaty argued in Iron Curtain that Communist Russia was really under
the domination of the Khazars, a group originally from the South of
Russia that had converted to Judaism in the early Middle Ages.
According to Beaty, the Khazars had now taken control of both Russia
and America. In his book Religion and the Racist Right, Michael Barkun
summarizes Beatty's argument this way:

The reforms of Czar Alexander II, misguided in Beaty's view, gave the
"Judaized Khazars" the ability to infiltrate and corrupt Russia as a
whole. They did so with four aims in mind: the development of
communism, the fomenting of revolution, the growth of Zionism, and the
transfer of their numbers to America. Hence, he argued, they were able
not only to seize control of Russia but to provide their conspiracy
with an American base as a minority "obsessed with its own objectives
which are not those of Western Christian civilization."

Beaty further claimed that the Khazars – after more or less taking
control over the Democratic Party – tricked America into war with
Germany to kill off as many Aryans as possible. The Khazars were
simultaneously the masters of Soviet Russia because "Stalin,
Kagonovich, Beria, Molotov, and Litvinoff all have Jewish blood or are
married to Jewesses."

Iron Curtain went through an astonishing seventeen printings in the
1950s. Del Valle publicly endorsed it and helped Beaty distribute
copies to select military officers. Other leading retired military
men like General George Stratemeyer – himself a member of the Military
Affairs Committee of the Charles Pichel-led Knights of Malta –
publicly praised Beaty's opus. When asked by the Jewish
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to repudiate Iron Curtain, Stratemeyer
refused to do so and instead publicly attacked the ADL.

Del Valle's conviction that Russia was under Jewish control led him to
a major clash with Common Sense, a hard right magazine famous for its
obsession with Jewish power. A major patron of Common Sense, del Valle
served as president of the journal's parent body, the Christian
Educational Fund. In its 6/5/1967 issue – around the time of the Six
Day War – Common Sense broke with orthodoxy and ran a story suggesting
that Joseph Stalin has actually saved Russia from a Trotsky-led Jewish
takeover; an opinion not entirely unknown inside the far right. Del
Valle, however, was so outraged by the article that he broke his
long-standing ties to the journal.

Del Valle also had no qualms about citing from The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion. In an April 12, 1961 speech before the United States
Daughters of 1812, he repeatedly invoked The Protocols to prove the
existence of an "Invisible Government" that was now hard at work
plotting to reduce America to a province or set of provinces in a
future World Government centered around the UN. Del Valle also used
The Protocols to buttress his claim that "Communism and Socialism"
were first introduced to Russia by the Invisible Government to destroy
that nation.

Part Three: The DAC and the Paramilitary Right

FROM THE CONSTITUTION PARTY TO GUERRILA WARFARE

In 1960 the DAC achieved new prominence inside the far right after
Brig. General Merritt B. Curtis USMC (Ret.), the Secretary and General
Counsel for the DAC, was chosen as the presidential candidate of the
Constitution Party, a third party effort set up to compete in that
year's presidential election. The DAC's role in the Constitution
Party seems to have served another purpose as well since there is
evidence that the DAC attempted to organize "militia type" networks
under the guise of electorial politics. Del Valle's papers show that
the former general played a role in the creation of a shadowy
paramilitary network that divided up sections of the United States
into four "zones." In a 7/23/1963 letter to Brig. General W.L. Lee,
USAF (Ret.), del Valle said that it was agreed to organize everything
"under cover of voter organization [for the Constitution Party – KC],
which is not inconsistent with our being an effective state militia as
well." Del Valle explained his approach to organizing resistance in
the "USSA (United Slave States of America)" this way:

My struggle is two-fold: 1. Strictly legal, constitutional, political
efforts to restore constitutional government, and 2. alerting all
White Christian Americans to the nature of the enemy within and urging
that they use Article II of the Bill of Rights to arm and organize for
the defense of their homes, families, community, state and country.

From the 1950s on, del Valle was a featured speaker at countless far
right gatherings that included representatives from the KKK, Christian
Identity, the Minutemen, the Sons of Confederate Veterans and
innumerable other far right splinter groups. He also developed his own
information network to keep him abreast of developments inside the
radical right.

COUP FEARS IN AMERICA

In an 8/12/1966 letter to the American rightist Mary Davidson, del
Valle suggested that the solution to America's problems was clear:
"the only way to cut the Gordian knot is by a military coup d'etat."
Throughout the early 1960s, in fact, the fear of a coup d'etat from
either the right or left was surprisingly commonplace.

On November 24, 1961, the prominent American syndicated newspaper
columnist Drew Pearson published a story in the Washington Post about
the increasing turn to the far right by high-ranking U.S. military
men. Pearson singled out Major General Edwin Walker, head of the 24th
Infantry Division in Germany, for politicizing his troops with
rightwing propaganda. Pearson highlighted a letter to one of Walker's
military supporters, Arch Roberts, from the French rightist Hillaire
du Berrier, who compared the Kennedy Administration's crackdown on
Walker to de Gaulle's attack on the rebel French generals who led the
O.A.S. The article also cited del Valle who, Pearson said, comes close
"to urging armed insurrection" when he made statements calling for the
"organization of a powerful armed resistance force to defeat the aims
of the Usurpers and bring about a return to constitutional
government."

The fear that American generals were thinking along O.A.S. lines
helped inspire a series of liberal cultural icons from the early 1960s
like Seven Days in May and Doctor Strangelove. Nor can there be any
doubt that far right groups like Robert De Pugh's Minutemen did in
fact fantasize about fighting a guerrilla war against the
establishment. Two books, The John Franklin Letters (by an anonymous
author) and Get Ye Up into the High Mountains by the Reverend Dallas
Roquemore, capture the mentality of many of these far right would-be
Che Guevaras. The John Franklin Letters was premised on the idea that
after the U.S. has been betrayed into the hands of UN bureaucrats, a
civil war ensues that is led by a paramilitary group called the
"Rangers." According to The John Franklin Letters:

The beginning of the end comes in 1963, when the World Health
Organization sends in a Yugoslav inspector, under powers granted by
the President of the United States, to search any house he chooses.
The Yugoslav discovers in the house of a good American a file of
anti-Communist magazines, seizes them as deleterious to the mental
health of the community, and is shot by the American, who escapes into
the woods. But the infiltration continues. By 1970, the United States
has become part of the World Authority dominated by the
Soviet-Asian-African bloc, and this Authority suspends the country's
right to govern itself because of the "historic psychological
genocide" against the Negro race. United Nations administrators,
mostly Red Chinese, are sent in to rule. Harlem, triumphant, arises
and loots the liquor stores. The city proletariat, its sense of
decency destroyed by public housing, begins to raid the suburbs. In
short order, twenty million Americans are "done away with," while the
people are subjected to torture by blowtorch and rock-n'-roll, the
latter on television.

Meanwhile the good American begins to fight back. As far back as 1967,
John Franklin and his friends had been stockpiling rifles. And now
they act. Franklin describes in gory detail a total of fourteen
patriotic murders: two by fire, one by hammer, one by strangling, two
by bow and arrow, one by defenestration, one by drowning and the rest.
These brave actions are sufficient to turn the tide – despite the
atomic bomb, a huge invasion army, and absolute terror. By 1976, the
people all over the world go into the streets, and everywhere
Communism falls.

Roquemore's Get Ye Up Into the High Mountain served as a training
manual both for guerrilla warfare and survivalism and included advice
on how to properly mutilate the dead body of the Communist enemy. Like
The John Franklin Letters, Roquemore's book is also premised on a U.S.
civil war breaking out sometime around 1970. Although distributed by
the far right Liberty Lobby, Get Ye was produced by an extreme
rightist organization called The Soldiers of the Cross led by Kenneth
Goff. Goff reported that Roquemore, a Baptist Minister, had also
worked "with our cadet groups for several years and had developed a
corps of young people who can exist in the mountains under the most
hazardous conditions."

THE PERILS OF "OPERATION WATER MOCCASIN"

While liberals fretted that the American military top brass was about
to launch a rightwing coup d'etat, the notion that the "Eastern
Establishment" elite was conspiring to sell the nation out to the UN
became an idée fixe inside the far right. Campaigning in the 1962
California Republican primary for governor, Richard Nixon found
himself being bombarded with a pamphlet "with the United Nations
insignia on the cover, Department of State Publication 7277." The
pamphlet was presented as proof "that the government was about to
sign over America's armed forces to a Soviet Colonel." In reality it
was a typical UN document outlining the idea of the creation of a UN
Peace Force sometime in the distant future to help prepare for a world
free from atomic weapons. As the current UN assistant general
secretary was a Soviet colonel, however, the far right was convinced
that the document really revealed a UN plot to disarm America and hand
it over to the Russkies.

A March 1963 Task Force story on a planned U.S. military maneuver
codenamed "Operation Water Moccasin" helped launch another panic wave.
According to the Army, Water Moccasin was a planned exercise in
counter-insurgency involving 2,000 to 3,000 troops – along with
"foreign military participation" – that was scheduled to take place
over some 2,500 acres in the backwoods of Georgia. Task Force insisted
that Water Moccasin was really a cover for "a crash program to disarm
the United States of America and make us a province of the United
Nations." The scare set off by Task Force and other far right outlets
forced the Army to dramatically limit the scope of the deployment
after frantic calls began pouring in to Congressmen about Water
Moccasin.

Nor was Water Moccasin the only plot against the Republic. The July
21, 1963 New York Times recorded a host of others:

35,000 Communist Chinese troops bearing arms and wearing deceptively
dyed powder-blue uniforms are poised on the Mexican border, about to
invade San Diego; the U.S. has turned over – or will at any moment –
its Army, Navy and Air Force to the command of a Russian colonel in
the United Nations; almost every well-known American or free-world
leader is, in reality, a top Communist agent; a U.S. Army
guerrilla-warfare exercise in Georgia, called Water Moccasin III, is
in actuality a United Nations operation preparatory to taking over our
country.

Del Valle's papers also provide rare glimpses into the underground
world of the far right. He was in contact with the far rightist Col.
William P. Gale (Ret.), whom he described as "a natural leader and a
fighter and perhaps miscast in a purely political role." Nonetheless,
Gale was "doing a fine job of another sort out there, preparing for
the inevitable clash between Christianity and the anti-Christians."
Del Valle, however, had problems with Gale and other British
Israelites like Wesley Smith. Smith, in particular, was seen as
"wildly anti-Catholic." Gale, however, seems to have been considered
indispensable. There is also a suggestion that Gale was acting on
orders from some unidentified group above him.

Exactly how much del Valle's paramilitary network operated in reality
– as opposed to Walter Mitty-like fantasy – is hard to determine and
many questions remain unanswered. It seems undeniable, however, that
the DAC was, in fact, committed to building an armed underground
resistance movement to the "New World Order" even if the scope of such
activity remains highly murky to this day.

Part Four: The DAC and the League of Empire Loyalists

FIRST OVERTURES

The DAC and LEL were set up within a year of each other; the DAC
sometime in mid to late 1953 and the LEL in October 1954. (The LEL's
publication Candour, however, began publishing in late October 1953,
almost simultaneous with the DAC's creation.) There were other
intriguing similarities. Like the DAC, the LEL had some leading
retired military men in its ranks, most prominently Field-Marshal Lord
Ironside, who had headed up the British expedition to overthrow the
Soviet government in 1919. Ironside was a member of the LEL's General
Council, along with the Earl of Buchan, Lt. General Sir Balfour
Hutchison, Brigadier A.R. Wallis and other retired military men. Del
Valle was also a friend of Admiral Charles Freeman (Ret.). Freeman
became the U.S. agent for Kenneth De Courcy's Intelligence Digest
after the war. De Courcy, in turn, had extensive contacts with
far-right British military and intelligence circles favored by the
LEL.

The LEL's founder and leader Arthur Keith Chesterton (better known as
"A.K.") was the cousin of the famous writer G.K. Chesterton. A
one-time member of Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF),
Chesterton broke with Mosley in 1938. During World War II, he
supported England's efforts against Hitler and thus never had to face
the charge of treason that haunted Mosley throughout his postwar
career. In the late 1940s, Chesterton even held a fairly prestigious
job in Lord Beaverbrook's press empire.

>From its inception, the LEL combined "rightwing Tory Empire loyalism
and conspiratorial anti-Semitism." Its members regularly heckled
speakers and disrupted political meetings, most famously the 1958 Tory
Political Conference in Blackpool that culminated in fist fights
between League members and Tory stewards. (After that debacle, the
Tories implemented strong measures against LEL sympathizers in its
ranks.) The LEL also served as the

most important training ground for the next generation of British
neo-fascists and extreme loyalists. It contained men like John
Tyndall, Martin Webster, Colin Jordan and John Bean, men who, after
leaving Chesterton and indulging in the Nazi fantasy, returned (with
the exception of Jordan) to provide the leadership of the National
Front. Chesterton was the focal point of ‘respectability' around which
these men circulated.

The journalist George Thayer, who interviewed leading members of the
LEL, summarized its program this way: 1) British sovereignty should be
maintained at all cost; 2) instead of liquidating its Empire, England
should continue to build it; and 3) Third World immigration to England
must be stopped. For the LEL

Any tendency towards world government or international alliances that
requires a partial relinquishing of British sovereignty is an anathema
. . . The UN, NATO, SEATO, CENTO, and the Common Market are all
"monster plots to rob Britain of her independence and strength."

In November 1954 the DAC's co-founder Col. Eugene Pomeroy spent eight
days in London where he held extensive talks with LEL leaders. Pomeroy
told Task Force readers that the DAC and LEL "have in common the
driving force of the same ideology." In a more candid 11/10/54 letter
to del Valle, Pomeroy reported that the LEL felt that "the Jews seem
to exercise even greater influence here over the British Parliament
and politicians than they do at home." The group was firmly convinced
that Winston Churchill and his son Randolph (along with Anthony Eden)
were "the abject slaves of Bernie Baruch."

The LEL shared the DAC's obsession with the "hidden hand." One 1950s
LEL pamphlet, The Menace of World Government, claimed

There is a hidden power, which only to close students of international
politics is a revealed power, wielded by a known group of
international financial interests, who brought into existence the UN
and the International Bank as instruments to secure its further
advance to world domination. It has openly declared war on nationhood
and racial pride. It approves of every approach, direct or functional,
which will render mankind defenseless against its cold war in the West
and the hot war in Asia to stampede us into NATO, the European Union,
and their projected Pacific counterparts. It uses dread of the H-bomb
to try to secure acceptance of its full World Government. Once our
sovereignty is abandoned, and we are completely at its mercy, it will
drop its disguise as the foe of Russian aggression and betray us to
the Soviet conspiracy as surely as it betrayed us at Yalta through the
incredible simpleton Roosevelt and his incredible adviser, Alger Hiss.
Hiss, let it be known, was only a fugleman. His protectors were
powerful men who constituted – and still constitute – the effective
hidden government of the United States.

FROM THE NEW UNHAPPY LORDS TO THE NATIONAL FRONT

The LEL's polemics against the "one world order" culminated with
the1965 publication of Chesterton's book, The New Unhappy Lords (NUL).
In NUL, Chesterton set out to document a conspiratorial plot by "Money
Power" to establish "world tyranny" by using both "Communism and Loan
Capitalism as twin instruments with which to subdue and govern, not
the British nations alone, but all mankind." NUL quickly went through
several editions and it continues to be sold today. Its success led
Chesterton's biographer to remark that A.K's "extremely doubtful
privilege" is "to go down in modern history as the man most
responsible for keeping alive, spreading, and developing the British
tradition of conspiracy thinking."

Writing in seemingly reasonable tones, in NUL Chesterton attacks
British foreign policy for the loss of the Suez Canal and other former
colonies as well as for the government's support for Third World
immigration. He also criticized British involvement in a "Federated
Europe," the European Common Market, the Treaty of Rome, and any
attempt to implement a NAFTA-like "Free Trade Area" that would bring
Britain's tariff policies into line with the Common Market:

This would have meant joining the British economy to competitive
economies, and the reservations intended to safeguard the British
farmers and overseas producers must soon have been jettisoned, the
complementary economy covered by the Imperial Preference system would
have been abandoned and the British market flooded by products from
Common Market countries with a lower standard of living.

Chesterton, however, used his critique of what he saw as specific
failures by the British establishment to prove that "Money Power's"
hidden hand now pulled England's strings. His attacks on such elite
groups as the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA), the
American Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), and the Bilderberger
Society as well as on organizations like NATO and the UN, served a
larger narrative goal; namely, proving the existence of a vast Jewish
conspiracy. In a chapter entitled "Is the Conspiracy Jewish?" he
claims that "the major Zionist objective" is no less than "One World."
"Moscow and Peking" were "no more than branch headquarters of the
conspiracy" whose "supreme headquarters" for the "overthrow of the
West" was actually based in New York. According to A.K.,

World Jewry is the most powerful single force on earth and it follows
that all the major policies which have been ruthlessly pursued through
the last several decades must have the stamp of Jewish approval.

Indeed, "when Hitler rebelled against the Money Power," World Jewry
decided to "smash him and his barter system."

Not long after the publication of New Unhappy Lords, Chesterton LEL's
played a pivotal role in the 1967 founding of the National Front (NF),
England's most significant postwar far-right party. The NF was
established out of a merger of the LEL, the British National Party,
the Greater Britain Movement, and the Racial Preservation Society.
Chesterton served as the NF's chairman for its first four years.
Unlike the DAC-backed Constitution Party, the NF was a real political
force until the late 1970s when Margaret Thatcher's Tory Party stole
much of its anti-immigrant thunder and the group spiraled into rapid
decline.

DEL VALLE AND CHESTERTON

Del Valle and Chesterton maintained regular contacts for two decades.
In 1962, for example, Chesterton asked del Valle to supply him with
contact addresses for American rightists who might be willing to help
Candour out of some serious financial problems. After Del Valle sent
Chesterton some names, Austin Brooks, the LEL's number two man, then
visited the United States in 1963 on a fundraising tour. A.K. also
sent del Valle updates on his trips to South Africa and Rhodesia.

In 1966 Chesterton asked del Valle to write an introduction to a
proposed American edition of NUL that the Chicago-based rightwing
publisher Henry Regnery had agreed to issue. Regnery, however, backed
out of the deal at the last minute. Chesterton next approached another
American conservative publisher, Devin Adair, but it too rejected the
book. At Chesterton's request, del Valle searched for yet another
American publisher. Through Josephine Beaty, the DAC Vice President
and widow of Iron Curtain over America author John Beaty, del Valle
found OMNI Press/Christian Book Club located in Hawthorne, California.
When OMNI's edition of NUL appeared, it included a short introduction
by del Valle that praised Chesterton for bringing the reader "face to
face with the fact that a conspiracy to rule the world does exist and
that it is rapidly approaching its goal." NUL also showed that "the
powerhouse of this conspiracy resides not in Moscow, nor in London,
but in New York." For del Valle, The New Unhappy Lords was "a treasure
house of facts which patriots of all nations can use in the struggle
against the Satanic power of the Conspiracy."

SAMOVARS AND SPOOKS

The DAC and LEL were also linked to the same White Russian network
that del Valle first encountered when he was an ITT executive in
Buenos Aires. Task Force's special London correspondent George
Knupffer embodied these connections. Born in Saint Petersburg,
Knupffer was a leading figure in the White Russian monarchist
community in London. He published his own newsletter, The Plain
Speaker, while also contributing occasional articles to Candour.
Knupffer first met Colonel Pomeroy in London in November 1954 as a
representative of "His Imperial Highness" the Grand Duke Vladimir, the
son of the late Grand Duke Cyril. Knupffer also helped lead Mladorossy
(Union of Young Russia), a far-right and extremely anti-Semitic
political organization that maintained a quasi-military wing known as
the Russian Revolutionary Forces (RRF). A former intelligence officer
himself, Pomeroy used his visit to London to seek out contacts with
East European exiles such as General Wladyslaw Anders, a Polish
military leader who wanted the West to back a Polish exile army.
Captain Henry Kerby, the man who arranged Pomeroy's meeting with
Anders, was a former MI6 officer and Russian expert turned Tory
parliamentarian. Kerby, in turn, maintained longstanding close ties to
Knupffer.

In his first article for Task Force in December 1955, Knupffer claimed
that New York banking houses like Kuhn Loeb were behind the Bolshevik
Revolution. He then argued that Russia was no longer completely under
the control of the "conspiracy" that had its roots in a two-thousand
year old clash of "two Messianisms"; namely, the Christian world view
that looked to the "world beyond the grave, of life everlasting" and
the messianism that focused on "this world of material power and
possessions." The Russian Communist regime, Knupffer said, was now
being forced "slowly but surely" to adjust itself "to the wishes and
needs of the Russian people." Since Moscow "is no longer an effective
tool for the achievement of world domination by the materialistic
messianists,"

if we continue to see only the enemy in Moscow, we will be stabbed in
the back by the enemy in New York, who wants to lead us. But that
enemy, like the one in Russia, is only using America as a base.

Knupffer concluded that both Russia and America were "victims of a
subtle and powerful subversive force which they have not recognized in
time."

In 1956 the DAC touched off a heated controversy after Task Force
reprinted a lengthy attack on a Russian exile group known as the
National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (NTS) by Peter J.
Huxley-Blythe, then a protégé of Knupffer. The article, "Insecure
Security," accused the CIA of financing the NTS that Huxley-Blythe
claimed was really under KGB control. Knupffer and other White Russian
monarchists especially despised the NTS because it had collaborated
with CIA plans to balkanize the former Russian Empire by supporting an
independent Ukraine. Huxley-Blythe's piece so enraged the Solidarists
that Task Force was forced to print a rebuttal by NTS's Washington
representative to avoid a lawsuit.

Knupffer and del Valle also tried to develop a far right network
around the globe that included a proposed "World Committee for Truth
and Liberty." In a 6/26/1967 letter to del Valle, Knupffer reported
that he had visited Rhodesia, South Africa, Portugal, and Spain to
seek backing for the committee. In his 7/3/1967 letter replying to
Knupffer, del Valle noted:

There already exists a measure of cooperation between our nationalists
and those of other countries, especially yours. Coordination would
increase our effectiveness. Chesterton and I have helped one another
in a small way . . . I too was in Spain in May and I believe I have
good sympathetic contacts there. You may be certain I understand that
the sources of help must not be mentioned. I'm sure [Wickliffe]
Vennard, Oliver [R.P. Oliver, a leading American far rightist] and
[Frank] Serpico [OMNI's publisher] understand the need for discretion.

Finally, both Del Valle and Knupffer became entangled in the weird
"Knights of Malta" group headed by Charles Pichel and Del Valle's
continued ties to Pichel, whom Knupffer despised, would eventually end
their collaboration.

Part Five: Conspiracy Theory, Globalization, and the Contemporary
Right

THE PERSISTANCE OF CONSPIRACY THEORY

Even as British National Front flourished in the1970s, the American
right populist third party movement led by Alabama Governor George
Wallace collapsed in the wake of the Nixon Administration's "Southern
Strategy" and the attempted assassination of Wallace. America's defeat
in Vietnam – combined with the Watergate crisis – led to a further
weakening of the right. The 1970s also saw a dramatic decline of the
DAC, although Task Force continued to publish and del Valle grew
closer to the far-right Liberty Lobby. After del Valle's death on
April 28, 1978 at age 85, however, the DAC ceased to exist.

The DAC's addiction to conspiracy theory never waned from its founding
to its demise. A conspiratorial mentality, in fact, seems endemic to
the American far right. In the late 1950s, for example, the John Birch
Society (JBS) arose as the preeminent group on the far right. Although
the JBS rejected anti-Semitism, it proved incapable of abandoning a
conspiratorial mindset. JBS founder Robert Welsh even famously accused
then President Dwight D. Eisenhower of being a conscious agent of the
Kremlin. In the 1960s a more popular version of the idea that the
"Eastern elite" was engaged in weakening America for the benefit of
Communism was promulgated in a series of rightwing best sellers; most
famously John Stormer's None Dare Call It Treason and two Phyllis
Schlafly books, A Choice Not an Echo and The Gravediggers. Activists
from Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign spread these and
similar writings across the country.

During the early 1980s, the militia movement rediscovered arguments
first advanced by groups like the DAC. Contemporary militia polemics
about "UN invaders" on American soil, for example, recycle myths first
developed in the1950s. These fantasies were updated to include – among
other things – plots involving UFOs, weather control, Satanic cults,
the Trilateral Commission and Y2K. We have also seen charges that Bill
Clinton murdered one of his close White House advisors and dumped his
body in a federal park; Hillary Clinton is a lesbian witch; George
Bush Sr. used the phrase "new world order" to speak in code to his
Masonic-Illuminati cronies; and that Yale's Skull and Bones fraternity
secretly runs America on behalf of the Illuminati. Although the
militia movement covers a wide variety of individuals and
organizations, the seemingly endless proliferation of wild conspiracy
theories remain central to it.

THE RADICAL RIGHT

As events have shown, the "hidden hand" model – far from being
obsolete – possesses a remarkable ability to mutate with
circumstances. The hidden hand model resembles a basic plot narrative
or fable that exists in a perpetual state of endless mutation of
characters and sub-plots while never losing it major themes.
Understanding the way rigidly prefabricated worldviews function as
internally consistent interpretative systems may usefully supplement
more conventional "cause and effect" social science attempts to
understand the radical right. Because revolutionary utopian groups
frequently derive their identity from a hyper-ideological outlook that
does not neatly map onto conventional political logic, we must take
this reality into consideration.

One fundamental question – for me anyway – when looking at
anti-globalization movements from both the left and the right is the
degree to which they are committed to what is essentially a skeptical
(as opposed to Jacobin) Enlightenment view of humanity that posits
parliamentary politics as part of a continual debate over the nature
of the good. Groups that reject such an approach are frequently
predisposed to conspiratorial interpretations of history – no matter
how divorced such theories may be from material reality. They can also
have a potential "revolutionary" dimension whether or not they
function on the far right, far left or in the garb of religious
movements/New Age sects. Extremist groups frequently view pluralistic
discourse, parliamentary government, and civil society itself – in the
form of democratic capitalist, democratic socialist, or even moderate
theocratic or monarchic forms – as intrinsically evil. In such a view,
the persistence of civil society obfuscates

1) the machinations of a monolithic ruling class for the far left;
2) the domination of evil international Jewish bankers and their
Illuminati cohorts for the far right; and
3) the relentless spread of godless atheism for fundamentalist
Christians, fanatical Jews, Muslim zealots or New Age millenarian
sects.

In all these cases the fundamental target of critique is, for lack of
a better word, the "system" itself. As we have seen in the case of
both the DAC and LEL, what such oppositional groups may perceive as an
adverse result of globalization – which for the far left could be the
increase in the power of multinational corporations, for the far right
the rise of foreign immigration, and for the domestic religious right
the introduction of competing religious ideologies (all of which are
not in themselves intrinsically irrational observations) – are simply
used to prove the existence of the larger hidden hand conspiracy.

THE JANUS FACE OF THE ETHNOCRATIC RIGHT

For purposes of this analysis, I would distinguish between two kinds
of groups on the right as "ideal types"; namely, the traditional
conservative, either in the Edmund Burke Anglo-American vein or the
Christian Democratic Continental tradition on the one hand, and the
revolutionary groupuscular right on the other. Populist right
movements such as Jean Marie Le Pen's Front National, Gianfranco
Fini's Alleanza Nationale, Jörg Haider's Freiheitliche Partei
Österreichs and similar formations fluctuate between both poles. They
may even embrace an ostensible commitment to a "long march through the
institutions" while holding on to a conspiratorial way of seeing the
world. Roger Griffin describes new right populist political parties
that accept Enlightenment discourse to some degree (as opposed to
merely mimicking pre-war fascist ideology) as being based on
"ethnocratic liberalism" which he defines as

a type of party politics which is not technically a form of fascism,
or even a disguised form, for it lacks the core palingenetic vision .
. . Rather it enthusiastically embraces the liberal system, but
considers only one ethnic group full members of civil society . . .
This contaminated, restrictive form of liberalism poses considerable
taxonomic problems because, while it aims to retain liberal
institutions and procedures and remain economically and diplomatically
part of the international liberal democratic community, its axiomatic
denial of the universality of human rights predisposes it to behave
against ethnic out groups as violently as a fascist regime.

To my way of thinking when examining such hybrid formations, one
size simply does not fit all. Nor are all these parties frozen in time
and incapable of mutation. Griffin's definition may be more apt in
regard to France's Front National, Germany's Partei die Republikaner,
and Belgium's Vlaams Blok but such parties, it should be noted, also
have a long history of fascist (or Vichy) nostalgia. But does this
same model also apply to Norway's Fremskrittspartei, Holland's Lijst
Pim Fortuyn, Italy's Lega Nord or Denmark's Dansk Folkepartiei? Do
these parties "axiomatically" deny the universality of human rights
just because they object to illegal immigration, high taxes, or full
integration into the EU? And where does one place more ambiguous
parties like the AN that modeled its own turn away from fascist
nostalgia and towards the center-right on the example set by Italy's
Communist Party?

While traditional leftist "watchdog" groups often operate on the basis
of a 1930s paradigm in which the rise of the populist center-right is
invariably prelude to a seizure of power by the far right, this way of
thinking may prove as misguided as that of those 1930s American
rightists who were convinced that the growth of Roosevelt's New Deal
was paving the way for the Bolshevik takeover of the United States. We
may even see the growth of European right parties that mimic more
American themes involving low taxes, law and order, small government,
and even certain libertarian tendencies rather than more orthodox
fascist positions. After all, the right populist parties in Denmark
and Norway first arose as popular movements against high taxation, a
model that also played an important role in the 1970s America right
electorial revival. Even the widespread popularity of former New York
Mayor Rudolph Giuliani inside an increasingly crime-infested urban
France may be indicative of this broader trend.

As elements of the European right pass from "groupuscularity" to
mass politics at least some groups (or some fractions inside them) may
feel increasingly inclined to abandon a commitment to conspiratorial
thinking when dealing with issue of globalization. Against this, I
would posit the continuing influence of a more marginal and frequently
violent fringe right that still inhabit a crepuscular world somewhere
between Adolf Hitler and Madame Blavatsky. This world – where
conspiracy theory easily blends with racial determinism and rampant
anti-Semitism – continues to hold high the banner of fascist
revolution.

One could view the history of the 1970s British NF – which suffered a
series of bruising factional struggles between more conventional
orthodox Tory-leaning elements and the core fascist nostalgia clique
of John Tyndall, Martin Webster and their skinhead supporters for
control over the party – in this light. It was in fact the NF's
inability to purge fascists and anti-Semites like Tyndall and Webster
from top leadership positions that dramatically contributed to its
political marginality in spite of its popular views against
immigration. In that sense the NF may have been the result of two
outside bodies of political gravity, the hard groupuscular right and
the right Tory establishment, covertly fighting each other for the
future direction of the party. The same may be true in regard to the
fights between Le Pen and Bruno Mégret in the FN and between Fini and
Pino Rauti inside the old MSI.

A rough model that incorporates the groupuscular right, the right
populists, and the establishment right might look something like this:

Right Radical Groupuscule Right Populist Party Established
Conservative Party
Strong tendency to conspiracy theory,
Hatred of conventional parliamentary politics
Strong ideological commitment the main force holding the group
together

Prone to deadly factionalism inside rigid internal structure

Base frequently from fringe bohemian elements of society / Pagan,
atheist, extreme Christian


Examples:
Unite Radicale/Young Europe/National Alliance Fluctuating influence of
conspiracy theory and ideology, waivers between parliamentary and
groupuscule practices and worldviews


Frequently has both authoritarian/charismatic leader as well as strong
factional opponents willing to split from the party

Marginalized elements of established religious groups (Lefebrve
Catholics/Ulster Protestants) and small businessmen

Examples: Front National, Alleanza Nationale/1970s British National
Front Rejects conspiracy theory Parliamentary Practice
Tendency to pragmatically moderate ideology in order to maintain power

Marked by internal faction fighting within context of broader unity
and willingness to compromise


Backed by established religious and business tendencies

Examples: Tory Party
Christian Social Union
Christian Democrats
→
↔ ←

There may well exist fuzzy (and at times not so fuzzy) crossovers
between elements of the Janus-face "ethnocratic" right and the more
"groupuscular" radical right, including a shared interest in
conspiracy theory. However, political formations from the right may
also continue further down the parliamentary path just as the Italian
Communist Party did from the left. One possible way to determine
where the actual center of political gravity lies inside such parties
would be to seriously examine both the extent to which a particular
party's literature and rhetoric either actively promotes or panders to
variations on the hidden hand conspiracy theory in explaining issues
related to globalization as well as how influential and widespread
these views are among the group's members.

Conclusion

Looking back on the DAC and LEL, it is clear that they were among the
first radical right groups to operate in an "interdependent world" and
with the multinational institutions – the United Nations, the World
Bank, NATO, SEATO, and the European Common Market – that helped shape
it. Far from being "isolationists" in the case of the DAC – or
"anti-American" as the LEL is sometimes described – both groups saw
themselves as part of a worldwide "counter-conspiracy" against their
imagined enemies. Using conservative rhetoric and patriotic images,
they actually expressed deeply radical views directed against the
established political, cultural and economic elites of their time. The
ferocity of their fervor against the "one world order" strongly
suggests that they didn't simply react to the creation of groups like
the UN or the World Bank in a cause and effect way. If anything, I
would argue that it was their pre-existing conspiratorial ideology
that allowed them to see such institutions as demonic in the first
place. Because this was so, their views were largely immune to logical
refutation, as the case of Colonel Pomeroy's famous map so vividly
demonstrates.

Yet an unswerving commitment to a rigid conspiratorial worldview can
easily doom a group to political marginality. In the case of the DAC,
it is clear that it first emerged not from the streets but from former
high-ranking U.S. military officers who mirrored beliefs held in
broader layers of society. At its inception, the DAC maintained ties
to important sections of the Republican Party just as the LEL included
sympathizers from the Tories. Yet as anti-Semitism continued to be
further and further discredited in the 1950s – while the threat of
Soviet Communism increased – the DAC and LEL remained incapable of
ideologically adapting to the new reality. As a result, they quickly
went from being influence peddlers on the fringe of well-established
parties and institutions and entered into a shadow world of political
and social marginality from which they never returned. Their very
marginality, paradoxically, led them to play an ideologically – and at
times organizationally – significant role in the rise of new radical
populist tendencies from the right.

Finally, a more careful examination of the complex role that
conspiracy theory plays both within the far right and the larger
community as a whole may, I suggest, give us further insight into
predicting how such groups will respond to broader issues related to
globalization. The power that conspiratorial thinking of the most
virulently anti-Semitic and anti-Western form now holds in large
sections of Muslim societies further reminds us that the issues
addressed in this paper are far from being limited to either the
United States or Europe.

An investigative journalist, Kevin Coogan is the author of Dreamer of
the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International
(New York: Autonomedia, 1999).

Gary Buell

unread,
Dec 18, 2003, 2:50:55 PM12/18/03
to
jfkm...@21stCenturyInc.com (Anastase Vonsiatsky) wrote in message news:<87f24181.03121...@posting.google.com>...
> them was "Nazi." Appeals ? both overt and covert ? to National
> Inspector General and ? from 1946 to his retirement in 1948 ? as

> Director of Personnel for the Marines.
>
> After his retirement and in financial debt, del Valle turned to
> Sosthenes Behn, the head of ITT and an old friend of his father, for
> employment. Behn first chose him to represent ITT in the Middle East.
> >From his office in Cairo, del Valle visited Istanbul, Damascus, Beirut
> and Athens. After a short stint at ITT's Rome office, he relocated to
> Buenos Aires, Argentina, where he served as president of ITT for all
> South America.
>
> OVERTURES TO THE FAR RIGHT
>
> Del Valle's ties to the radical right ? ties that almost certainly
> existed during his Marine Corps days ? continued unabated while he
> international agreements like the "so-called ?Genocide Convention'"

> which would allow a U.S. citizen "without his consent, because he has
> caused mental discomfort to a certain minority, [to] be deported for
> trial in a foreign land by a foreign court" and thus be denied "our
> guarantees of free speech, trial by a jury, and habeas corpus."
>
> Del Valle elaborated on his belief that America was under siege in a
> letter to Marine Corps Colonel Samuel Griffith. He told Griffith:
> "should our own government unfortunately fall into the hands of the
> Communist Anti-Christ, I for one will follow my great-grandfather's
> example [who fought with Wellington against the French in Spain ? KC]
> individual freedom ? even calling for the abolition of both the IRS
> and the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) ? he clearly admired

> Mussolini's Italy. After the war del Valle maintained good ties with
> Italy's "Black Prince" Junio Valerio Borghese, whom he had first met
> during the Ethiopia campaign. A convicted war criminal, Borghese
> became one of Italy's most powerful postwar far rightists as well as
> the first president of Italy's neo-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano
> (MSI). Del Valle also argued that America should back Eastern
> European governments-in-exile in order to encourage "so-called
> ?fascist' groups" to build a new "underground" should the Soviet Union
> Cyril ? a Nazi sympathizer who lived in France during the 1930s ? as
> in New York City. Jacob Schiff, Paul Warburg and Bernard Baruch ? and
> not Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin ? were the real

> power behind twentieth century Communism. The June 1955 Task Force
> claimed, "the Communist regimes are weak and their people rebellious.
> The only strength they possess is the faction within the American
> government which puts the Soviet Union first." [Italics in original.]
> This mysterious "faction" was itself, of course, controlled by the
> Jews.
>
> The DAC viewed contemporary world history in general as a massive
> conspiracy of shadow men, puppets and politicians controlled from
> behind the scenes by a small cabal of secret Jewish masters. DAC fear
> mongering came in two basic forms; the first downplayed the Hand of
> Zion while the second highlighted it. While Task Force perpetually
> alluded to the existence of a vast shadowy conspiracy, it frequently
> avoided directly accusing the Jews of being in charge and let the
> reader fill in the blanks.
>
> One example of "Anti-Semitism Lite" comes in an article entitled
> "Regardless of Who Is Elected President, Invisible Rulers Govern
> United States" that appeared in the October 1955 Task Force. In it we
> learn that top advisors to President Eisenhower ? Including his
> brother Milton and Nelson Rockefeller ? exist "merely to transmit
> times. The DAC also published the map ? along with other documents

> from the September 1952 London conference of the World Association of
> Parliamentarians for World Government ? as a special pamphlet.

>
> FROM THE KHAZARS TO THE PROTOCOLS
>
> Along with Anti-Semitism Lite, the DAC cognoscenti freely imbibed the
> harder stuff. A far right book entitled Iron Curtain Over America,
> which was published in 1951 by John Beaty, served as an ideological
> linchpin for the DAC. An English professor and former head of Southern
> Methodist University in Dallas, Beaty had been an Army Intelligence
> (G-2) officer in Washington from1941 to 1947. Del Valle knew Beaty
> and, after Beaty's death, his widow Josephine spent many years as the
> DAC's Vice President.
>
> Beaty argued in Iron Curtain that Communist Russia was really under
> the domination of the Khazars, a group originally from the South of
> Russia that had converted to Judaism in the early Middle Ages.
> According to Beaty, the Khazars had now taken control of both Russia
> and America. In his book Religion and the Racist Right, Michael Barkun
> summarizes Beatty's argument this way:
>
> The reforms of Czar Alexander II, misguided in Beaty's view, gave the
> "Judaized Khazars" the ability to infiltrate and corrupt Russia as a
> whole. They did so with four aims in mind: the development of
> communism, the fomenting of revolution, the growth of Zionism, and the
> transfer of their numbers to America. Hence, he argued, they were able
> not only to seize control of Russia but to provide their conspiracy
> with an American base as a minority "obsessed with its own objectives
> which are not those of Western Christian civilization."
>
> Beaty further claimed that the Khazars ? after more or less taking
> control over the Democratic Party ? tricked America into war with

> Germany to kill off as many Aryans as possible. The Khazars were
> simultaneously the masters of Soviet Russia because "Stalin,
> Kagonovich, Beria, Molotov, and Litvinoff all have Jewish blood or are
> married to Jewesses."
>
> Iron Curtain went through an astonishing seventeen printings in the
> 1950s. Del Valle publicly endorsed it and helped Beaty distribute
> copies to select military officers. Other leading retired military
> men like General George Stratemeyer ? himself a member of the Military
> Affairs Committee of the Charles Pichel-led Knights of Malta ?

> publicly praised Beaty's opus. When asked by the Jewish
> Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to repudiate Iron Curtain, Stratemeyer
> refused to do so and instead publicly attacked the ADL.
>
> Del Valle's conviction that Russia was under Jewish control led him to
> a major clash with Common Sense, a hard right magazine famous for its
> obsession with Jewish power. A major patron of Common Sense, del Valle
> served as president of the journal's parent body, the Christian
> Educational Fund. In its 6/5/1967 issue ? around the time of the Six
> Day War ? Common Sense broke with orthodoxy and ran a story suggesting
> "under cover of voter organization [for the Constitution Party ? KC],
> These brave actions are sufficient to turn the tide ? despite the
> counter-insurgency involving 2,000 to 3,000 troops ? along with
> "foreign military participation" ? that was scheduled to take place

> over some 2,500 acres in the backwoods of Georgia. Task Force insisted
> that Water Moccasin was really a cover for "a crash program to disarm
> the United States of America and make us a province of the United
> Nations." The scare set off by Task Force and other far right outlets
> forced the Army to dramatically limit the scope of the deployment
> after frantic calls began pouring in to Congressmen about Water
> Moccasin.
>
> Nor was Water Moccasin the only plot against the Republic. The July
> 21, 1963 New York Times recorded a host of others:
>
> 35,000 Communist Chinese troops bearing arms and wearing deceptively
> dyed powder-blue uniforms are poised on the Mexican border, about to
> invade San Diego; the U.S. has turned over ? or will at any moment ?

> its Army, Navy and Air Force to the command of a Russian colonel in
> the United Nations; almost every well-known American or free-world
> leader is, in reality, a top Communist agent; a U.S. Army
> guerrilla-warfare exercise in Georgia, called Water Moccasin III, is
> in actuality a United Nations operation preparatory to taking over our
> country.
>
> Del Valle's papers also provide rare glimpses into the underground
> world of the far right. He was in contact with the far rightist Col.
> William P. Gale (Ret.), whom he described as "a natural leader and a
> fighter and perhaps miscast in a purely political role." Nonetheless,
> Gale was "doing a fine job of another sort out there, preparing for
> the inevitable clash between Christianity and the anti-Christians."
> Del Valle, however, had problems with Gale and other British
> Israelites like Wesley Smith. Smith, in particular, was seen as
> "wildly anti-Catholic." Gale, however, seems to have been considered
> indispensable. There is also a suggestion that Gale was acting on
> orders from some unidentified group above him.
>
> Exactly how much del Valle's paramilitary network operated in reality
> ? as opposed to Walter Mitty-like fantasy ? is hard to determine and
> Front. Chesterton was the focal point of ?respectability' around which
> powerful men who constituted ? and still constitute ? the effective
> in Vietnam ? combined with the Watergate crisis ? led to a further

> weakening of the right. The 1970s also saw a dramatic decline of the
> DAC, although Task Force continued to publish and del Valle grew
> closer to the far-right Liberty Lobby. After del Valle's death on
> April 28, 1978 at age 85, however, the DAC ceased to exist.
>
> The DAC's addiction to conspiracy theory never waned from its founding
> to its demise. A conspiratorial mentality, in fact, seems endemic to
> the American far right. In the late 1950s, for example, the John Birch
> Society (JBS) arose as the preeminent group on the far right. Although
> the JBS rejected anti-Semitism, it proved incapable of abandoning a
> conspiratorial mindset. JBS founder Robert Welsh even famously accused
> then President Dwight D. Eisenhower of being a conscious agent of the
> Kremlin. In the 1960s a more popular version of the idea that the
> "Eastern elite" was engaged in weakening America for the benefit of
> Communism was promulgated in a series of rightwing best sellers; most
> famously John Stormer's None Dare Call It Treason and two Phyllis
> Schlafly books, A Choice Not an Echo and The Gravediggers. Activists
> from Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign spread these and
> similar writings across the country.
>
> During the early 1980s, the militia movement rediscovered arguments
> first advanced by groups like the DAC. Contemporary militia polemics
> about "UN invaders" on American soil, for example, recycle myths first
> developed in the1950s. These fantasies were updated to include ? among
> other things ? plots involving UFOs, weather control, Satanic cults,

> the Trilateral Commission and Y2K. We have also seen charges that Bill
> Clinton murdered one of his close White House advisors and dumped his
> body in a federal park; Hillary Clinton is a lesbian witch; George
> Bush Sr. used the phrase "new world order" to speak in code to his
> Masonic-Illuminati cronies; and that Yale's Skull and Bones fraternity
> secretly runs America on behalf of the Illuminati. Although the
> militia movement covers a wide variety of individuals and
> organizations, the seemingly endless proliferation of wild conspiracy
> theories remain central to it.
>
> THE RADICAL RIGHT
>
> As events have shown, the "hidden hand" model ? far from being
> obsolete ? possesses a remarkable ability to mutate with

> circumstances. The hidden hand model resembles a basic plot narrative
> or fable that exists in a perpetual state of endless mutation of
> characters and sub-plots while never losing it major themes.
> Understanding the way rigidly prefabricated worldviews function as
> internally consistent interpretative systems may usefully supplement
> more conventional "cause and effect" social science attempts to
> understand the radical right. Because revolutionary utopian groups
> frequently derive their identity from a hyper-ideological outlook that
> does not neatly map onto conventional political logic, we must take
> this reality into consideration.
>
> One fundamental question ? for me anyway ? when looking at

> anti-globalization movements from both the left and the right is the
> degree to which they are committed to what is essentially a skeptical
> (as opposed to Jacobin) Enlightenment view of humanity that posits
> parliamentary politics as part of a continual debate over the nature
> of the good. Groups that reject such an approach are frequently
> predisposed to conspiratorial interpretations of history ? no matter

> how divorced such theories may be from material reality. They can also
> have a potential "revolutionary" dimension whether or not they
> function on the far right, far left or in the garb of religious
> movements/New Age sects. Extremist groups frequently view pluralistic
> discourse, parliamentary government, and civil society itself ? in the

> form of democratic capitalist, democratic socialist, or even moderate
> theocratic or monarchic forms ? as intrinsically evil. In such a view,

> the persistence of civil society obfuscates
>
> 1) the machinations of a monolithic ruling class for the far left;
> 2) the domination of evil international Jewish bankers and their
> Illuminati cohorts for the far right; and
> 3) the relentless spread of godless atheism for fundamentalist
> Christians, fanatical Jews, Muslim zealots or New Age millenarian
> sects.
>
> In all these cases the fundamental target of critique is, for lack of
> a better word, the "system" itself. As we have seen in the case of
> both the DAC and LEL, what such oppositional groups may perceive as an
> adverse result of globalization ? which for the far left could be the

> increase in the power of multinational corporations, for the far right
> the rise of foreign immigration, and for the domestic religious right
> the introduction of competing religious ideologies (all of which are
> not in themselves intrinsically irrational observations) ? are simply
> between Adolf Hitler and Madame Blavatsky. This world ? where

> conspiracy theory easily blends with racial determinism and rampant
> anti-Semitism ? continues to hold high the banner of fascist
> revolution.
>
> One could view the history of the 1970s British NF ? which suffered a

> series of bruising factional struggles between more conventional
> orthodox Tory-leaning elements and the core fascist nostalgia clique
> of John Tyndall, Martin Webster and their skinhead supporters for
> control over the party ? in this light. It was in fact the NF's
> with the multinational institutions ? the United Nations, the World
> Bank, NATO, SEATO, and the European Common Market ? that helped shape
> it. Far from being "isolationists" in the case of the DAC ? or
> "anti-American" as the LEL is sometimes described ? both groups saw

> themselves as part of a worldwide "counter-conspiracy" against their
> imagined enemies. Using conservative rhetoric and patriotic images,
> they actually expressed deeply radical views directed against the
> established political, cultural and economic elites of their time. The
> ferocity of their fervor against the "one world order" strongly
> suggests that they didn't simply react to the creation of groups like
> the UN or the World Bank in a cause and effect way. If anything, I
> would argue that it was their pre-existing conspiratorial ideology
> that allowed them to see such institutions as demonic in the first
> place. Because this was so, their views were largely immune to logical
> refutation, as the case of Colonel Pomeroy's famous map so vividly
> demonstrates.
>
> Yet an unswerving commitment to a rigid conspiratorial worldview can
> easily doom a group to political marginality. In the case of the DAC,
> it is clear that it first emerged not from the streets but from former
> high-ranking U.S. military officers who mirrored beliefs held in
> broader layers of society. At its inception, the DAC maintained ties
> to important sections of the Republican Party just as the LEL included
> sympathizers from the Tories. Yet as anti-Semitism continued to be
> further and further discredited in the 1950s ? while the threat of
> Soviet Communism increased ? the DAC and LEL remained incapable of

> ideologically adapting to the new reality. As a result, they quickly
> went from being influence peddlers on the fringe of well-established
> parties and institutions and entered into a shadow world of political
> and social marginality from which they never returned. Their very
> marginality, paradoxically, led them to play an ideologically ? and at
> times organizationally ? significant role in the rise of new radical

> populist tendencies from the right.
>
> Finally, a more careful examination of the complex role that
> conspiracy theory plays both within the far right and the larger
> community as a whole may, I suggest, give us further insight into
> predicting how such groups will respond to broader issues related to
> globalization. The power that conspiratorial thinking of the most
> virulently anti-Semitic and anti-Western form now holds in large
> sections of Muslim societies further reminds us that the issues
> addressed in this paper are far from being limited to either the
> United States or Europe.
>
> An investigative journalist, Kevin Coogan is the author of Dreamer of
> the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International
> (New York: Autonomedia, 1999).


Good article. Coogan's book is on my bookshelf waiting to be read --
but the type is so small!

Anastase Vonsiatsky

unread,
Dec 18, 2003, 5:09:30 PM12/18/03
to
jfkm...@21stCenturyInc.com (Anastase Vonsiatsky) wrote in message news:<87f24181.03121...@posting.google.com>...
> NOT FOR QUOTATION OR CITATION WITHOUT THE AUTHOR'S WRITTEN PERSMISSION
>
>
> KEVIN COOGAN
>
>
> THE DEFENDERS OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AND THE LEAGUE OF EMPIRE
> LOYALISTS: THE FIRST POSTWAR ANGLO-AMERICAN REVOLTS AGAINST THE "ONE
> WORLD ORDER"
>

Thank you to the moderators of this site who had the courage to
publish this treatise by Kevin Coogan.

This document is the first, and perhaps the only one that will
ever tie together the works of Prof. Wm. Tucker about Draper,
Eugenics and Cox and del Valle, with the work of Richard Condon
regarding Bonner Fellers, Manchurian Candidates, Edward Hunter and
Brainwashing plus McCarthyism.

It also references even the same citation made by Charles Higham
in American Swastika relating to the White Russian Shickshinny
Knights groups from Argentina who were hell bent on killing FDR
in the early 1940's which led to Vonsiatsky's conviction for
espionage.

Finally the combination of Kevin Coogan and Prof. Wm. Tucker from
Rutgers are also the only other persons besides myself to successfully
link together Draper and Vonsiatsky using the common lynchpin of
Lt. Gen. Pedro Augusto del Valle. del Valle circulated freely within
both groups and later he attended the fateful Constitution Party
meeting in Indiana in mid-October of 1964 with such luminaries of
the far right as Wm. Potter Gale, Joseph Milteer and GLK Smith,
all of whom have been independently cemented as certified JFK
murder suspects.

Thank you Kevin Coogan. Thank you Wm. Tucker and thank you
John McAdams, too. I didn't think you would have the courage
to publish this quite frankly.

Happy Holidays.

elvispre...@hotmail.com

unread,
Dec 18, 2003, 9:06:15 PM12/18/03
to
Why not use your real name John? - Peter R. Whitmey

jfkm...@21stCenturyInc.com (Anastase Vonsiatsky) wrote in message news:<87f24181.03121...@posting.google.com>...

> them was "Nazi." Appeals ? both overt and covert ? to National

> Inspector General and ? from 1946 to his retirement in 1948 ? as


> Director of Personnel for the Marines.
>
> After his retirement and in financial debt, del Valle turned to
> Sosthenes Behn, the head of ITT and an old friend of his father, for
> employment. Behn first chose him to represent ITT in the Middle East.
> >From his office in Cairo, del Valle visited Istanbul, Damascus, Beirut
> and Athens. After a short stint at ITT's Rome office, he relocated to
> Buenos Aires, Argentina, where he served as president of ITT for all
> South America.
>
> OVERTURES TO THE FAR RIGHT
>

> Del Valle's ties to the radical right ? ties that almost certainly
> existed during his Marine Corps days ? continued unabated while he

> international agreements like the "so-called ?Genocide Convention'"


> which would allow a U.S. citizen "without his consent, because he has
> caused mental discomfort to a certain minority, [to] be deported for
> trial in a foreign land by a foreign court" and thus be denied "our
> guarantees of free speech, trial by a jury, and habeas corpus."
>
> Del Valle elaborated on his belief that America was under siege in a
> letter to Marine Corps Colonel Samuel Griffith. He told Griffith:
> "should our own government unfortunately fall into the hands of the
> Communist Anti-Christ, I for one will follow my great-grandfather's

> example [who fought with Wellington against the French in Spain ? KC]

> individual freedom ? even calling for the abolition of both the IRS
> and the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) ? he clearly admired


> Mussolini's Italy. After the war del Valle maintained good ties with
> Italy's "Black Prince" Junio Valerio Borghese, whom he had first met
> during the Ethiopia campaign. A convicted war criminal, Borghese
> became one of Italy's most powerful postwar far rightists as well as
> the first president of Italy's neo-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano
> (MSI). Del Valle also argued that America should back Eastern
> European governments-in-exile in order to encourage "so-called

> ?fascist' groups" to build a new "underground" should the Soviet Union

> Cyril ? a Nazi sympathizer who lived in France during the 1930s ? as

> in New York City. Jacob Schiff, Paul Warburg and Bernard Baruch ? and
> not Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin ? were the real


> power behind twentieth century Communism. The June 1955 Task Force
> claimed, "the Communist regimes are weak and their people rebellious.
> The only strength they possess is the faction within the American
> government which puts the Soviet Union first." [Italics in original.]
> This mysterious "faction" was itself, of course, controlled by the
> Jews.
>
> The DAC viewed contemporary world history in general as a massive
> conspiracy of shadow men, puppets and politicians controlled from
> behind the scenes by a small cabal of secret Jewish masters. DAC fear
> mongering came in two basic forms; the first downplayed the Hand of
> Zion while the second highlighted it. While Task Force perpetually
> alluded to the existence of a vast shadowy conspiracy, it frequently
> avoided directly accusing the Jews of being in charge and let the
> reader fill in the blanks.
>
> One example of "Anti-Semitism Lite" comes in an article entitled
> "Regardless of Who Is Elected President, Invisible Rulers Govern
> United States" that appeared in the October 1955 Task Force. In it we

> learn that top advisors to President Eisenhower ? Including his
> brother Milton and Nelson Rockefeller ? exist "merely to transmit

> times. The DAC also published the map ? along with other documents


> from the September 1952 London conference of the World Association of

> Parliamentarians for World Government ? as a special pamphlet.


>
> FROM THE KHAZARS TO THE PROTOCOLS
>
> Along with Anti-Semitism Lite, the DAC cognoscenti freely imbibed the
> harder stuff. A far right book entitled Iron Curtain Over America,
> which was published in 1951 by John Beaty, served as an ideological
> linchpin for the DAC. An English professor and former head of Southern
> Methodist University in Dallas, Beaty had been an Army Intelligence
> (G-2) officer in Washington from1941 to 1947. Del Valle knew Beaty
> and, after Beaty's death, his widow Josephine spent many years as the
> DAC's Vice President.
>
> Beaty argued in Iron Curtain that Communist Russia was really under
> the domination of the Khazars, a group originally from the South of
> Russia that had converted to Judaism in the early Middle Ages.
> According to Beaty, the Khazars had now taken control of both Russia
> and America. In his book Religion and the Racist Right, Michael Barkun
> summarizes Beatty's argument this way:
>
> The reforms of Czar Alexander II, misguided in Beaty's view, gave the
> "Judaized Khazars" the ability to infiltrate and corrupt Russia as a
> whole. They did so with four aims in mind: the development of
> communism, the fomenting of revolution, the growth of Zionism, and the
> transfer of their numbers to America. Hence, he argued, they were able
> not only to seize control of Russia but to provide their conspiracy
> with an American base as a minority "obsessed with its own objectives
> which are not those of Western Christian civilization."
>

> Beaty further claimed that the Khazars ? after more or less taking
> control over the Democratic Party ? tricked America into war with


> Germany to kill off as many Aryans as possible. The Khazars were
> simultaneously the masters of Soviet Russia because "Stalin,
> Kagonovich, Beria, Molotov, and Litvinoff all have Jewish blood or are
> married to Jewesses."
>
> Iron Curtain went through an astonishing seventeen printings in the
> 1950s. Del Valle publicly endorsed it and helped Beaty distribute
> copies to select military officers. Other leading retired military

> men like General George Stratemeyer ? himself a member of the Military
> Affairs Committee of the Charles Pichel-led Knights of Malta ?


> publicly praised Beaty's opus. When asked by the Jewish
> Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to repudiate Iron Curtain, Stratemeyer
> refused to do so and instead publicly attacked the ADL.
>
> Del Valle's conviction that Russia was under Jewish control led him to
> a major clash with Common Sense, a hard right magazine famous for its
> obsession with Jewish power. A major patron of Common Sense, del Valle
> served as president of the journal's parent body, the Christian

> Educational Fund. In its 6/5/1967 issue ? around the time of the Six
> Day War ? Common Sense broke with orthodoxy and ran a story suggesting

> "under cover of voter organization [for the Constitution Party ? KC],

> These brave actions are sufficient to turn the tide ? despite the

> counter-insurgency involving 2,000 to 3,000 troops ? along with
> "foreign military participation" ? that was scheduled to take place


> over some 2,500 acres in the backwoods of Georgia. Task Force insisted
> that Water Moccasin was really a cover for "a crash program to disarm
> the United States of America and make us a province of the United
> Nations." The scare set off by Task Force and other far right outlets
> forced the Army to dramatically limit the scope of the deployment
> after frantic calls began pouring in to Congressmen about Water
> Moccasin.
>
> Nor was Water Moccasin the only plot against the Republic. The July
> 21, 1963 New York Times recorded a host of others:
>
> 35,000 Communist Chinese troops bearing arms and wearing deceptively
> dyed powder-blue uniforms are poised on the Mexican border, about to

> invade San Diego; the U.S. has turned over ? or will at any moment ?


> its Army, Navy and Air Force to the command of a Russian colonel in
> the United Nations; almost every well-known American or free-world
> leader is, in reality, a top Communist agent; a U.S. Army
> guerrilla-warfare exercise in Georgia, called Water Moccasin III, is
> in actuality a United Nations operation preparatory to taking over our
> country.
>
> Del Valle's papers also provide rare glimpses into the underground
> world of the far right. He was in contact with the far rightist Col.
> William P. Gale (Ret.), whom he described as "a natural leader and a
> fighter and perhaps miscast in a purely political role." Nonetheless,
> Gale was "doing a fine job of another sort out there, preparing for
> the inevitable clash between Christianity and the anti-Christians."
> Del Valle, however, had problems with Gale and other British
> Israelites like Wesley Smith. Smith, in particular, was seen as
> "wildly anti-Catholic." Gale, however, seems to have been considered
> indispensable. There is also a suggestion that Gale was acting on
> orders from some unidentified group above him.
>
> Exactly how much del Valle's paramilitary network operated in reality

> ? as opposed to Walter Mitty-like fantasy ? is hard to determine and

> Front. Chesterton was the focal point of ?respectability' around which

> powerful men who constituted ? and still constitute ? the effective

> in Vietnam ? combined with the Watergate crisis ? led to a further


> weakening of the right. The 1970s also saw a dramatic decline of the
> DAC, although Task Force continued to publish and del Valle grew
> closer to the far-right Liberty Lobby. After del Valle's death on
> April 28, 1978 at age 85, however, the DAC ceased to exist.
>
> The DAC's addiction to conspiracy theory never waned from its founding
> to its demise. A conspiratorial mentality, in fact, seems endemic to
> the American far right. In the late 1950s, for example, the John Birch
> Society (JBS) arose as the preeminent group on the far right. Although
> the JBS rejected anti-Semitism, it proved incapable of abandoning a
> conspiratorial mindset. JBS founder Robert Welsh even famously accused
> then President Dwight D. Eisenhower of being a conscious agent of the
> Kremlin. In the 1960s a more popular version of the idea that the
> "Eastern elite" was engaged in weakening America for the benefit of
> Communism was promulgated in a series of rightwing best sellers; most
> famously John Stormer's None Dare Call It Treason and two Phyllis
> Schlafly books, A Choice Not an Echo and The Gravediggers. Activists
> from Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign spread these and
> similar writings across the country.
>
> During the early 1980s, the militia movement rediscovered arguments
> first advanced by groups like the DAC. Contemporary militia polemics
> about "UN invaders" on American soil, for example, recycle myths first

> developed in the1950s. These fantasies were updated to include ? among

> other things ? plots involving UFOs, weather control, Satanic cults,


> the Trilateral Commission and Y2K. We have also seen charges that Bill
> Clinton murdered one of his close White House advisors and dumped his
> body in a federal park; Hillary Clinton is a lesbian witch; George
> Bush Sr. used the phrase "new world order" to speak in code to his
> Masonic-Illuminati cronies; and that Yale's Skull and Bones fraternity
> secretly runs America on behalf of the Illuminati. Although the
> militia movement covers a wide variety of individuals and
> organizations, the seemingly endless proliferation of wild conspiracy
> theories remain central to it.
>
> THE RADICAL RIGHT
>

> As events have shown, the "hidden hand" model ? far from being

> obsolete ? possesses a remarkable ability to mutate with


> circumstances. The hidden hand model resembles a basic plot narrative
> or fable that exists in a perpetual state of endless mutation of
> characters and sub-plots while never losing it major themes.
> Understanding the way rigidly prefabricated worldviews function as
> internally consistent interpretative systems may usefully supplement
> more conventional "cause and effect" social science attempts to
> understand the radical right. Because revolutionary utopian groups
> frequently derive their identity from a hyper-ideological outlook that
> does not neatly map onto conventional political logic, we must take
> this reality into consideration.
>

> One fundamental question ? for me anyway ? when looking at


> anti-globalization movements from both the left and the right is the
> degree to which they are committed to what is essentially a skeptical
> (as opposed to Jacobin) Enlightenment view of humanity that posits
> parliamentary politics as part of a continual debate over the nature
> of the good. Groups that reject such an approach are frequently

> predisposed to conspiratorial interpretations of history ? no matter


> how divorced such theories may be from material reality. They can also
> have a potential "revolutionary" dimension whether or not they
> function on the far right, far left or in the garb of religious
> movements/New Age sects. Extremist groups frequently view pluralistic

> discourse, parliamentary government, and civil society itself ? in the


> form of democratic capitalist, democratic socialist, or even moderate

> theocratic or monarchic forms ? as intrinsically evil. In such a view,


> the persistence of civil society obfuscates
>
> 1) the machinations of a monolithic ruling class for the far left;
> 2) the domination of evil international Jewish bankers and their
> Illuminati cohorts for the far right; and
> 3) the relentless spread of godless atheism for fundamentalist
> Christians, fanatical Jews, Muslim zealots or New Age millenarian
> sects.
>
> In all these cases the fundamental target of critique is, for lack of
> a better word, the "system" itself. As we have seen in the case of
> both the DAC and LEL, what such oppositional groups may perceive as an

> adverse result of globalization ? which for the far left could be the


> increase in the power of multinational corporations, for the far right
> the rise of foreign immigration, and for the domestic religious right
> the introduction of competing religious ideologies (all of which are

> not in themselves intrinsically irrational observations) ? are simply

> between Adolf Hitler and Madame Blavatsky. This world ? where


> conspiracy theory easily blends with racial determinism and rampant

> anti-Semitism ? continues to hold high the banner of fascist
> revolution.
>
> One could view the history of the 1970s British NF ? which suffered a


> series of bruising factional struggles between more conventional
> orthodox Tory-leaning elements and the core fascist nostalgia clique
> of John Tyndall, Martin Webster and their skinhead supporters for

> control over the party ? in this light. It was in fact the NF's

> with the multinational institutions ? the United Nations, the World
> Bank, NATO, SEATO, and the European Common Market ? that helped shape
> it. Far from being "isolationists" in the case of the DAC ? or
> "anti-American" as the LEL is sometimes described ? both groups saw


> themselves as part of a worldwide "counter-conspiracy" against their
> imagined enemies. Using conservative rhetoric and patriotic images,
> they actually expressed deeply radical views directed against the
> established political, cultural and economic elites of their time. The
> ferocity of their fervor against the "one world order" strongly
> suggests that they didn't simply react to the creation of groups like
> the UN or the World Bank in a cause and effect way. If anything, I
> would argue that it was their pre-existing conspiratorial ideology
> that allowed them to see such institutions as demonic in the first
> place. Because this was so, their views were largely immune to logical
> refutation, as the case of Colonel Pomeroy's famous map so vividly
> demonstrates.
>
> Yet an unswerving commitment to a rigid conspiratorial worldview can
> easily doom a group to political marginality. In the case of the DAC,
> it is clear that it first emerged not from the streets but from former
> high-ranking U.S. military officers who mirrored beliefs held in
> broader layers of society. At its inception, the DAC maintained ties
> to important sections of the Republican Party just as the LEL included
> sympathizers from the Tories. Yet as anti-Semitism continued to be

> further and further discredited in the 1950s ? while the threat of
> Soviet Communism increased ? the DAC and LEL remained incapable of


> ideologically adapting to the new reality. As a result, they quickly
> went from being influence peddlers on the fringe of well-established
> parties and institutions and entered into a shadow world of political
> and social marginality from which they never returned. Their very

> marginality, paradoxically, led them to play an ideologically ? and at

> times organizationally ? significant role in the rise of new radical

Anastase Vonsiatsky

unread,
Dec 18, 2003, 9:25:40 PM12/18/03
to
gary...@yahoo.com (Gary Buell) wrote in message

news:<56f0defe.03121...@posting.google.com>...


> jfkm...@21stCenturyInc.com (Anastase Vonsiatsky) wrote in message news:<87f24181.03121...@posting.google.com>...
> > NOT FOR QUOTATION OR CITATION WITHOUT THE AUTHOR'S WRITTEN PERSMISSION
> >
> >
> > KEVIN COOGAN
> >
> >
> > THE DEFENDERS OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AND THE LEAGUE OF EMPIRE
> > LOYALISTS: THE FIRST POSTWAR ANGLO-AMERICAN REVOLTS AGAINST THE "ONE
> > WORLD ORDER"

<snipped whole article>

> > An investigative journalist, Kevin Coogan is the author of Dreamer of
> > the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International
> > (New York: Autonomedia, 1999).
>
>
> Good article. Coogan's book is on my bookshelf waiting to be read --
> but the type is so small!

Can you give us some of the highlights on the chapter
in Coogan's book referencing either the Shickshinny Knights or
the NTS White Russian groups from Argentina and New York City?

>From the point of view of my research, Coogan and Prof. Tucker
have actually provided the missing link that I have been
searching for in fact. Tucker wrote up del Valle as a Eugenicist,
a racist and a psycho right winger who knew Draper and Cox well
and hung with Fellers.

And Coogan sees him as an anti-Semite, and a Nazi sympathizer who
hung around with the Vonsiatsky Man Cand crowds like Bonner Fellers (who
was stationed in Manchuria it turns out with MacArthur), Edward
Hunter and the others.

Both Fellers and del Valle were stationed in Cairo when The
Desert Fox, Rommell, 'somehow' was made privvy to the cables sent
by Fellers back to Washington. This will also cause part of history
to be re-written, but in fact it was Fellers and del Valle who
gave away the family secrets IMHO on purpose because the US was
not yet in the War and they both hated Montgomery and were more
in favor of an early Nazi victory like their America First cohorts.

This del Valle linkage between Draper and Vonsiatsky is so MASSIVE,
that I can not put it into words just yet. Will it convince
others now that Charles Higham links the V-D duo into the FDR hit and
I linked them into the JFK hit? I never expected to get this close
this soon. To me it is great news of the magnitude of my first
discoveries of Draper and Condon and Fellers and Willoughby 10 years
ago. I am just beside myself with anticipation.

What do you think, Gary? ...and others?

Anastase Vonsiatsky

unread,
Dec 19, 2003, 9:59:58 PM12/19/03
to
gary...@yahoo.com (Gary Buell) wrote in message news:<56f0defe.03121...@posting.google.com>...
> jfkm...@21stCenturyInc.com (Anastase Vonsiatsky) wrote in message news:<87f24181.03121...@posting.google.com>...
> > NOT FOR QUOTATION OR CITATION WITHOUT THE AUTHOR'S WRITTEN PERSMISSION
> >
> >
> > KEVIN COOGAN
> >
> >
> > THE DEFENDERS OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AND THE LEAGUE OF EMPIRE
> > LOYALISTS: THE FIRST POSTWAR ANGLO-AMERICAN REVOLTS AGAINST THE "ONE
> > WORLD ORDER"
> >
> > An investigative journalist, Kevin Coogan is the author of Dreamer of
> > the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International
> > (New York: Autonomedia, 1999).
>
>
> Good article. Coogan's book is on my bookshelf waiting to be read --
> but the type is so small!

Disappointed to hear that. I have read some reviews that lead
me to believe the book might focus quite a bit on some rather arcane
philosophical aspects of Spenglerism and Yockeyism instead of being
a readable and focused analysis of either the man, the movement or
right wing extremism in general. Notice how del Valle and Coogan
and even the Giesbrecht Incident can be taken at many levels. For
some Canuck 'researchers' even replying to this article is a task.
And being able to digest, analyze and interpret complex events is
apparently totally beyond them. The research community should be
grateful that people like Kevin Coogan and Bill Tucker and others
like myself apply excess intellectual capacity to a Social Science
topic for the benefit of all mankind. My academic credentials do
not approach the level of a Tucker or even Coogan, but I may be
one of the few persons in the entire universe who was uniquely
positioned by circumstance, happenstance and motivation to be able
to drill down to the lowest level violence prone right wing extremist
while still maintaining the perspective of being able to focus on
the highest level string pullers and manipulators like Fellers,
del Valle, Willoughby, Draper and Vonsiatsky.

Yockey, by the way, shares the unique predilection with those
mentioned above of being accused of spying for the Nazis during
and before WW-II. Hope I can find his book soon and I hope it
gives some insights into his spying and courier activities for
the right and for the Reich. Some have suggested that he turned
to spying FOR the Russians after the War. Anything for a buck.
Everyone seems to avoid the early issue about the possibility
that Carto delivered the cyanide pill to Yockey in prison. That
seemed to have some credence in postings and discussions but has
since disappeared from citations, maybe due to liability.

The five Nazified Generals: Fellers, Wedemeyer, Stratemeyer,
del Valle and Willoughby will someday collectively be recognized
for what they really were: Nazi sympathizers and supporters who
wore American uniforms.

I have uploaded a Word Doc version of this article here... to be
able to render Coogan's tables and diagrams...

http://www.21stCenturyInc.com/JFKArticles/PedrodelValle.doc

Peter R. Whitmey

unread,
Dec 19, 2003, 10:04:55 PM12/19/03
to
elvispre...@hotmail.com wrote in message news:<fc135d87.03121...@posting.google.com>...

> Why not use your real name John? - Peter R. Whitmey

>>Why is "Elvis Presley" using my name. I guess I should be
flattered, but isn't he dead? - Peter R. Whitmey

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