[O'Reilly Factor] Dennis Miller on GOP Debate, Wall Street Protests

[Ubiquitous]

BILL O'REILLY, HOST: In the "Miller Time" segment tonight: We have a lot
to talk about with the sage of Southern California, who joins us now from
Los Angeles. So, Miller, who won the debate last night?

DENNIS MILLER, FOX NEWS CONTRIBUTOR: I'm going to make it in horserace
parlance, Billy. I'm going to say Obama won. I'm going to say in the two
slot we had Romney. I'm going to say in the show position we had
Gingrich. I'm going to say my guy Herman finished out of the money. And
I'm going to say Rick Perry, you might have to bring out one of those
hospital screens and just put him down in the back stretch.

O'REILLY: All right.

MILLER: That was really -- listen, I knew he had did badly, but I had no
idea how badly he did until that wizard, Bill Burton, said he won last
night. What -- who in the hell was Bill -- how close do you have to get
to airtime with a cancellation before you call that number? What a
genius.

O'REILLY: Burton is a smart guy, a communications guy.

MILLER: Oh, yes.

O'REILLY: He's entitled to his opinion, Miller. Come on.

MILLER: He's a wizard, Billy. I just hope I can keep up.

O'REILLY: All right. You said Obama...

MILLER: Yes.

O'REILLY: ...won the debate. Explain that.

MILLER: We can't do this 12 more times. We're shooting inside the tent,
as Roger says. It does no good for Rick Perry to sit there and call Mitt
Romney on a gardener, for God's sakes.

And by the way, Rick, if you're watching, let me go to your past gaffe
and say if Mitt wasn't hiring illegals, wouldn't that have been heartless
on his part? You've got to get it straight here.

Herman, I love you, but the 999 thing has set the hook. Now you've got to
bring Art Laffer in and Paul Ryan and really pound the details. You can't
start talking about apples and oranges, for God's sakes. Come out and say
you want to get rid of the IRS first and then go from there.

But we cannot have everybody up there like nine praying mantises in a
Hellmann's jar with three air holes and breaking antennas and spitting
tobacco on each other trying to get to the air. This is helping Obama.

O'REILLY: All right. That's an interesting, pithy analysis, Miller.

MILLER: Listen, Billy, it should be like "Survivor." Every week from here
on in, those guys should vote one of those guys off. We've got to winnow
this down.

O'REILLY: Well, I agree. It's going to be hard to see 12 more debates.

Now, the "Occupy" people, you heard me and Mr. Daly kick that around. I
still believe most of the media is sympathetic to them and hostile to the
Tea Party. And you say?

MILLER: Well, listen, I wish the president would have been as encouraging
to those kids running down the streets of Tehran two years ago as he is
with these (EXPLETIVE DELETED) down in Wall Street. I mean, I've got a
kid dressed up as Gumby with a Hitler mustache talking about the
systematic liquidation of green jobs, and Obama is blowing on that ember.
But I've got another kid dodging bullets, talking about death to
Ahmadinejad, and we're loathe to pull on that thread because we might
upset the applecart.

And I know Daly's another genius. Between him and Burton I don't know who
the hell I'd go to in the end of the world. Both of them would protect
me. But I would say the president has got his priorities askew here.

O'REILLY: All right. Let's listen to Mr. Obama on the "Occupy Wall
Street" deal. Go.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: What I've said is, is that
I understand the frustrations that are being expressed in those protests.
In some ways, they're not that different from some of the protests that
we saw coming from the Tea Party. You know, both on the left and the
right, I think people feel separated from their government. They feel
that their institutions aren't looking out for them.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

O'REILLY: And that, of course, begs the question. You've been in office
three years, Mr. President. Aren't you part of this problem? Of course,
that question wasn't asked. But I would have.

MILLER: Like I said, I wish once in a while he'd give the Tea Party more
credit. If you look at that thing down there and you look at the Tea
Party, and you see the exact same thing, Billy, it will tell you how
vulcanized it is in this country.

O'REILLY: Certainly different in tone. As I said, the big difference is
the Tea Party wants to work within the system and the other people want
to...

MILLER: Listen, when the Tea Party defecate on a police car, at least
they put one of those toilet seat covers down.

O'REILLY: Is that what happened, Miller? I missed it. I've heard it.

MILLER: It did happen. It did happen. Yes, it did.

O'REILLY: All right. Well, you can imagine the blank storm that would
have caused if the Tea Party had done it.

MILLER: Where was he with the kids in Tehran? Why didn't he get on their
side? That's all I'm saying.

O'REILLY: I don't know. I can't -- I can't read his mind.

All right. Now, Halloween is a big, big holiday for Miller and I. In
fact, we're celebrating together in Connecticut. But in Massachusetts,
one state away...

MILLER: I'm going out as Bill Burton.

O'REILLY: One state away, there's a principal, Principal Foley, all
right, who doesn't want any of these. Anne Foley, principal at Kennedy
Elementary School in Summerville, Massachusetts, in Boston. And she says
that Columbus Day offensive to Native Americans, all right? Halloween, I
guess, Wiccans and witches are offended or somebody. And she didn't want
any part of it. She doesn't want any part of it, Miller. And you say?

MILLER: I say she looks like she's married to Gomez Adams. I don't know
what the hell is happening there. You know, these apologies with "if."
Hey, honey, you don't owe me an apology. Just quit being stupid, for
God's sakes. Who would have thought the irony that the academic world is
the world that's flat? You know something? You know how many indigenous
people you caused to kill themselves yesterday with this stupid PC
behavior? When they look up and say not only did we lose our country, we
lost it to a moron like that. Come on.

O'REILLY: But it gets -- it gets even worse because the kids are smarter
than the principal. Roll the tape.



(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I think that it's kind of ridiculous because we should
celebrate what we want to celebrate.

UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: I agree.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: We shouldn't be told what we shouldn't by other
people.


(END VIDEO CLIP)

O'REILLY: So I want to make that kid the principal and put Ms. Foley back
in second grade.

MILLER: Yes. You know what that kid is? He is in "The Breakfast Club"
Saturday morning now, trust me. He is going to detention for the rest of
his known life.

O'REILLY: I heard he's being recruited for the "Occupy Wall Street"
people, that he's going to be...

MILLER: He's got to get a press agent. I can think of nobody better than
that Billy Burton guy. God, just to be on the same show as him, Billy.

O'REILLY: Will you give Burton a break, Miller? Come on. He's nice enough
to come on here and you're going as -- Halloween, you're going as Burton?
Hi, I'm Bill Burton. What kind of candy do you think you're going to get
for that routine, Miller?

MILLER: Just to be -- just to be that close to genius, to touch that
cloak. I'm blessed, Billy. Thanks for the booking.

O'REILLY: Now I'm going to have to get Burton on tomorrow to rip you up.

MILLER: Listen, the fans will love it. That's why they're turning into
"The Factor," for Bill Burton.

O'REILLY: What are you doing to me, Miller? I'm not going to be able to
-- I won't even be able to book Scott Baio when I get through with you.
Who's going to come on the program?

MILLER: Baio -- Baio makes a thousand times more sense. That cat was the
deputy press secretary? I haven't seen a deputy that inept since Barney
Fife, for God's sake.

O'REILLY: I knew it. I knew it. Barney Fife. All right, Miller, get out
of here. You just ruined the whole program.

MILLER: I'm sorry, Billy. He's the best I've ever seen.

O'REILLY: And a quick reminder. Miller and I will see you for the "Bolder
Fresher" show at Mohegan Sun in Connecticut October 29, and I'll also be
signing books before we both get arrested because that's what's going to
happen up there.


--
"If Barack Obama isn't careful, he will become the Jimmy Carter of the
21st century."

[Nickname unavailable]

On Oct 21, 7:00 pm, Ubiquitous <web...@polaris.net> wrote:


fox news, priceless:)))))

OWS is correct:38 Million Workers Made Less Than $10k in 2010 Equal
to
California's Population:99% of Americans Made Less Than $250k in 2010
http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2011/10/38-million-worker...
38 Million Workers Made Less Than $10,000 in 2010—Equal to
California's Population 
By Derek Thompson
Oct 21 2011, 10:51 AM ET 28 
Half of all wage earners made less than
$26,364 in 2010, and the 
typical American wage is at its lowest level
since 1999, after 
adjusting for inflation, according to payroll data
released yesterday 
by the Social Security Administration.
The numbers in yesterday's report were staggering on their own, but
sometimes it helps to put new big numbers next to old big numbers.
For 
example, total official unemployment today is about 14 million. A
good 
way to visualize 14 million is the entire populations of
Virginia, 
Maryland, and Washington, D.C., combined. Another
geographic 
visualization of joblessness: If all the people out of
work for more 
than six months -- 6.2 million -- created a new state,
it would be the 
18th largest in the country, just behind Tennessee
and ahead of 
Missouri.
For yesterday's data, I wanted to provide similar context. Here's
what 
I've got:
1) If you line up all the wage earners in 2010 from smallest annual
paycheck to largest, the 24 million folks behind the first person in
line making $5,000 could nearly fill the state of Texas.
2) The 38 million people earning less than $10,000 could fill
California. 
3) If every American making less than $25,000 voted for one candidate
in 2012 (okay, some of them might not be 18 yet, but anyway), that
person would get more votes that Barack Obama received in 2008. Their
bloc is 72 million-strong. 
 
I do want to emphasize, again, that these wages to not necessary
reflect the returns on a 40-hour week. Some of these are full-time
workers who lost their job in 2010, and many of them are probably
part- 
time. It is not easy to determine how many exactly. We do know
that 
about 24 million people worked less than 29 hours a week in
2010, and 
about 35 million people worked 34 hours a week or less last
year.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2011/10/chart-of-the-day-...
Daniel Indiviglio 
Before journalism, Indiviglio spent several years
as an investment 
banker and consultant for financial services firms.
Before that, he 
graduated from Cornell University where he triple
majored in 
economics, philosophy, and physics. He resides in the
Washington, DC 
metro area.
Chart of the Day: 99% of Americans Made Less Than $250,000 in 2010 
By
Daniel Indiviglio
Oct 20 2011, 4:19 PM ET 4 
Earlier this week, the Wall Street Journal
produced an income 
calculator that allowed you to quickly type in
your household income 
and out popped your income percentile. The
problem, however, was that 
result can be misleading, since it doesn't
distinguish between 
households and individuals. For example, an
individual making $50,000 
and a household of four making $50,000 are
very different things. A 
slightly better, but still imperfect, way to
understand where your pay 
stacks up is to consider individual
incomes. 
The Social Security Administration today released statistics
that 
provide one way to look at that. Its data shows the net
compensation 
distribution (which includes, "wages, tips, and the
like" from W-2's 
filed*) in the U.S. for 2010. Here's a chart I made
from the data. 
You'll probably want to click on this one so you can
enlarge and 
actually read it.
A few explanatory points:
        •     The left axis shows the number of people within each
income range 
(blue line).  
        •     The right axis shows the
percentile based on the cumulative number 
(red line).  
        •    
Those vertical black lines shown on the chart itself represent 
points
at which the size of the income range jumps. For example, after 
the
range from $195,000 to $199,999, the SSA's next range extends from
$200,000 to $249,000. That's why you see the strange blip: the new
set 
ranges are ten times as large!
This chart shows what you might have guessed: incomes are heavily
weight towards the bottom. The SSA data shows that 90% of filers
reported net compensation below $84,999 per year. And 99% of
Americans' net compensation was below $250,000 per year. 
The SSA also
explains that net compensation for the year was about $6 
trillion.
Over the 150,398,796 people it accounts for, that averages 
out to
$39,959.30 -- well above the median, which was $26,363.55. The 
top 1%
of individual earners accounted for between 12% and 15% of all 
net
compensation. 
* Note: As a commenter points out, the SSA's numbers
leave out some 
forms of income, and is meant to show where various
incomes stand in 
terms of wages.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Until political leaders on both sides of the Atlantic muster the will
to radically simplify the financial system/put an end to the game of
pass the risk/reap the reward:we will be in chronic peril of
financial
collapse in which governments/taxpayers are held hostage by banks
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-kuttner/europe-on-the-brink_b_10...
Robert Kuttner 
Co-founder and co-editor, The American Prospect
Europe on the Brink 
Posted: 10/23/11 08:43 PM ET 
The deepening
European financial crisis is the direct result of the 
failure of
Western leaders to fix the banking system during the first 
crisis
that began in 2007. Barring a miracle of statesmanship, we are 
in for
Financial Crisis II, and it will look more like a depression 
than a
recession. 
The Greek crisis, and the inadequate official response to
it, is only 
a symptom. The flight of banks and other private
creditors from Greek 
government bonds has left European leaders and
the IMF to fashion a 
series of piecemeal rescue plans lest a Greek
default trigger a 
broader global financial collapse. 
But each rescue
has been behind the curve. Over the weekend, European 
leaders
fashioned yet another patch, in the hope of buying more time. 
The
details are still to be worked out at a follow-up meeting later 
this
week. But the problem with the tactic of "kicking the can down 
the
road," as the dean of financial writers, Martin Wolf, noted at a
recent Financial Times conference, is that "the can is filled with
gasoline." 
Beginning in 2008, the collapse of Bear Stearns revealed
the extent of 
pyramid schemes and interlocking risks that had come to
characterize 
the global banking system. But Western leaders have
stuck to the same 
pro-Wall-Street strategy: throw money at the
problem, disguise the 
true extent of the vulnerability, provide
flimsy reassurances to money 
markets, and don't require any
fundamental changes in the business 
models of the world's banks to
bring greater simplicity, transparency 
or insulation from contagion.
As a consequence, we face a repeat of 2008. Precisely the same kinds
of off-balance sheet pyramids of debts and interlocking risks that
caused Bear Stearns, then AIG, Lehman Brothers and Merrill Lynch to
blow up are still in place. 
Following Tim Geithner's playbook, the
European authorities conducted 
"stress tests" and reported in June
that the shortfall in the capital 
of Europe's banks was only about
$100 billion. But nobody believes 
that rosy scenario. At the weekend
summit, that was raised to about 
$160 billion, still too little --
yet a sum that the banks themselves 
will have difficulty raising,
especially in the most stressed 
countries like Italy. 
The Greek
situation reveals the deeper potential for contagion, and 
the Ponzi
scheme that now characterizes the banking system. Europe's 
banks hold
some in $121 billion Greek government bonds that are 
trading at about
40 cents on the dollar. Europe's leaders, meeting in 
a summit
conference over the weekend, admitted that Greece needs a 
reduction
in its debt load of 50 to 60 percent, and not the 21 percent 
that was
agreed to by the banks back in July. 
So Europe's banks will need to
take much a bigger hit, and it's not 
clear that they have the capital
to sustain it. But Europe's 
governments and the European Central Bank
are balking at providing 
this money directly. Instead, they hope to
double down with a bailout 
fund, the $606 billion European Financial
Stability Facility that, in 
effect, borrows against the credit of
Europe's soundest economies. 
But that is a shrinking club. If France,
home of increasingly shaky 
banks, were to lose its triple-A credit
rating as Moody's has 
threatened, then the scheme fails because
French collateral would not 
be accepted as backing for the EFSF's new
borrowings. (Where Moody's, 
which failed to accurately assess the
risks of sub-prime, gets off 
passing judgment on an entire country,
but that's a question for 
another day.) 
If Greek bonds are written
down to half their face value -- a 
"haircut" in the misleading and
cutesy jargon of finance -- banks 
stand to bear hundreds of billions
of dollars of losses. The banks' 
own shaky condition makes them risk-
averse about holding not just 
Greek sovereign debt, but also the
bonds of Portugal, Ireland, Italy 
and Spain. 
The financial industry
has coined the acronym PIGS to denote these 
nations, implying that
the crisis is their own fault for living beyond 
their means. But the
true pigs of the story are the banks. The same 
banks that hold the
debt of at-risk countries have also written 
hundreds of billion
dollars in insurance against default for other 
banks, in the form of
credit default swaps. The total cost of the 
"haircuts" required to
get several nations out of their unsustainable 
debt burden is
estimated by outside experts in the range of $1 to $2 
trillion
dollars. 
This was the scale of the financial near-meltdown in the
U.S., which 
was averted by a $700-billion bailout plan plus zero-
interest lending 
by the Federal Reserve well into the trillions. But
because of the 
fragmentation of the EC and its governmental
institutions, the 
Europeans are unlikely to come up with money on
this scale. 
The one European nation with the political and economic
resources to 
mount an adequate rescue is Germany. But spending German
money to bail 
out the rest of Europe is monumentally unpopular in
Germany. Barring a 
true act of statesmanship by Chancellor Angela
Merkel, putting the 
rescue of Greece, the Euro, the European Union
and the European 
economy ahead of her own reelection prospects, the
latest summit 
actions will be behind the curve once again. 
Euro-
skeptics are saying, "We told you so" -- the Euro was always a 
doomed
idea. It's true that creating a monetary unit to be used by 17
separate nations with diverse economic strengths and budgetary
conditions was a risky proposition. The Euro was a vessel designed
for 
calm seas, not for once-in-a-century storms. 
But to solely blame
Europe and its institutions is to excuse the 
source of the storms.
That is the political power of the banks to 
block fundamental
reform. 
The financial system has mutated into a doomsday machine
where banks 
make their money by originating securities and sticking
someone else 
with the risk. None of the reforms, beginning with Dodd-
Frank and its 
European counterparts, has changed that fundamental
business model. 
The banks have created layers of impenetrable debt
obligations. As 
long as nobody asks what these securities are really
worth in the 
marketplace, the Ponzi scheme holds. But once creditors
begin doubting 
whether the debts will be paid, an ostensibly well-
capitalized firm 
like Lehman Brothers or Bear Stearns can become
insolvent overnight. 
Now entire countries are prisoners of a
dysfunctional system of 
private finance. 
Until our political leaders
on both sides of the Atlantic muster the 
will to radically simplify
the financial system and put an end to the 
game of pass the risk and
reap the reward, we will be in chronic peril 
of financial collapse,
in which governments and taxpayers are held 
hostage by banks. 
Robert
Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect and a senior 
fellow at
Demos. His latest book is A Presidency in Peril.