SF 02/25/07 SF Campaigns For Yes Vote on Children’s Rights IV 02/23/07 ILIR Set For Biggest Rally Ever RO 02/25/07 Hibernians To Lobby For Immigration Reform SB 02/25/07 John McCain: American Maverick UT 02/25/07 Two Emergency Workers Killed BT 02/25/07 O'Toole Leads Irish Hopes At Oscars US 02/25/07 Mick Moloney & Friends Return For 13th Year WP 02/25/07 Bk Rev: A Search For Irish
America
Sinn Fein Establish Ard Chomhairle Sub Committee To Campaign For A Yes Vote On The Constitutional Referendum On Children's Rights
Published: 25 February, 2007
Sinn Fein this afternoon announced that it is setting up an Ard Chomhairle sub committee to run the party's campaign for a yes vote on the constitutional referendum on children's rights. The group will be headed by Joanne Spain, from the party's children's policy committee and candidate for Dublin Mid West and will include Mary Lou McDonald MEP, Caoimhgh¡n O Caol in TD, Aengus O Snodaigh TD, Sue Ramsey MLA and Waterford Councillor David Cullinane. The group will hold its inaugural meeting in Leinster House tomorrow, Monday 26th.
Speaking prior to the meeting
Joanne Spain said:
"Sinn Fein believes that the bulk of the proposals put forward by the government represent progress in terms of childrens rights and on that basis we will campaign for a yes vote and will be encouraging all parties to facilitate the holding of the referendum no later than the general election date this summer.
"Contrary to some media reports that the opposition want the referendum to be confined to the protection of children from sexual predators, Sinn Fein welcomes the proposals to include children's rights, custody, care, guardianship and adoption. In fact we would like to see it go further.
"At our meeting tomorrow we will be discussing amendments which Sinn Fein intends to put forward in an effort to ensure full human rights compliance and the best possible outcome for children. We will specifically be seeking a provision ensuring that the best interests of children will be paramount in
all actions concerning them.
"The Government's proposal does fall short of a Sinn Fein proposal in 2005 for a new article to be inserted into the Constitution expressly detailing children's rights and based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. However Sinn Fein will support this referendum on the basis of progress for children albeit limited."ENDS
THE Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform (ILIR) is two weeks away from its biggest rally ever in Washington, D.C., according to the group's executive director Kelly Fincham.
"The hard work that ILIR has done this past year is
really beginning to show across America. Everyone wants to go to the rally on March 7," Fincham said.
"We're even getting calls from people who are planning to make it a family outing," she added, referring to some who have family out to visit in March.
Fincham said the real success behind the lobby day would be down to the incredible amount of effort and persistence of the various ILIR chapters nationwide.
"We owe a tremendous amount of gratitude to the organizers of all the events that have taken place and are coming up, and to all the people who are on the ground trying to get people to Washington," she said.
In just over a year, ILIR has grown into the largest active Irish American organization in the country. Mary Brennan, who has been involved since day one, has seen a huge growth in the organization and is delighted to be involved in making history.
"It's grown like something else and now were
heading back to Washington for a third monster rally," she said.
The Bronx office already has 500 people signed up to leave from the Bronx, Yonkers, and upstate New York. "It's still early days and we also keep hearing about people who are driving down and making a trip out of it," Brennan said. It is also expected that more people will sign up after the New York ILIR dinner dance on March 2.
"We know from past experience that several people will sign up at the last minute and we will get a huge crowd below there," Brennan said. Although the numbers won't be final until the day of the rally people in the community are keyed up and emotive about March 7.
If people wish to sign up for the Bronx and Queens buses then they are advised to call the ILIR office at 914-420- 5894.
Deirdre Hickey in Queens told the Irish Voice that over 160 people in her borough have already put their names down to travel to
Washington.
"The response is great to date," she said.
The Queens ILIR committee plans to use strong-arm tactics this weekend when they go to the bars in the area and re- inform people about the rally and persuade them to attend.
Hickey, who knows that people are aware of how important the lobby day is, said the Queens committee just wants to refresh their memories and make sure that they get on the bus.
"Everyone we spoke with has been following it in the newspapers and have all given us their word that they will attend, so we're pretty positive on numbers and really looking forward to a very successful rally," she said.
After a successful fundraiser held in Philadelphia last Friday, the local committee there has pledged to send 1,000 delegates to Washington. Tom Conaghan, executive director of the Immigration and Pastoral Center of Philadelphia, said that no one wants the Irish community to die in
their state.
"The loss of one's community would be a terrible tragedy," he said. "This is our big push and we expect everyone there and we're getting good vibes from people telling us that they will be attending."
The Philadelphia GAA will also be sending a delegation to meet with senators and representatives on
the day in an effort to push immigration reform. Conaghan feels passionate that people, both undocumented and documented, especially previous winners of green cards, should get out to Washington on the 7th to participate in the fight for legal status for the estimated 50,000 undocumented.
Referring to last year's election results, Conaghan said that in Pennsylvania voters took a stand against anti- immigrant politicians such as Senator Rick Santorum, and new seats were won by pro-immigrant voices such as Senator Bob Casey.
"The likes of Casey will help us especially when they see us at
their offices in Washington," he said.
Conaghan urges anyone who hasn't signed for Washington to do so soon by calling 610-789-6355.
Hughie Meehan from the Boston ILIR committee is very confident that they will be sending over 500 people to the Capitol.
"At the minute we have about 250 people registered to go down and then tonight (Tuesday) we have another registration taking place in four different locations," he said.
Meehan is hopeful after Tuesday's registration that they will have over 400 people signed and sealed. "We also have a banquet on Friday night where we have 680 people attending so we hope to rally up a few more at that," he said.
Meehan said that the response in Boston has been wonderful, and he knows from past rallies that several more will sign up for the bus at the last minute. "I think the week leading up to the event will see more and more people signing up for sure," he
said.
To sign up with the Boston office people are advised to call 617-319-1674.
Celine Kennelly, executive director for the Irish Immigration Center in San Francisco, told the Irish Voice on Tuesday that the response has been phenomenal since the successful ILIR meeting in the city on February 1, in which House Speaker Nancy Pelosi sent a message endorsing ILIR.
"Since that meeting the phone has literally hopped with people wanting information on traveling to D.C.," said Kennelly.
The San Francisco chapter of ILIR has over 170 people signed up to go to the rally, departing to on Tuesday, March 6 and arriving at 7 a.m. on Wednesday. Most of them are booked to fly back that night.
"That's incredible dedication for you," Kennelly said. "People who have booked flights to go are all paying an average of $300 per person. Some got lucky with a lower rate and others who had to dig deeper to pay for
the heftier flights up in the $500s, but everybody is paying for their flights out of their own pockets. It's been amazing."
Several Morrison and Donnelly visa holders who can't go to Washington have given money to pay for others to attend.
"People are really energized, they understand that after working on this for a year their civic involvement is extremely important, thus giving them an vital input so they can make a difference," Kennelly said.
The pastoral center in San Francisco, who has acted as ticketing agents
for booking flights to Washington to date, urges people to call them at 415-752-6006 if they are still interested in going to Washington.
Fincham said the event is also getting attention from former members of ILIR now back in Ireland.
"I'm also getting about 40 calls a week from people in Ireland who are wondering when they will be able to come back into the country. It really
is phenomenal," she said.
Hibernians To Lobby Congress For Immigration Reform
February 24, 2007
The recent benefit hosted in its hall in Monroe by the Ancient Order of Hibernians Division One raised several thousand dollars. The purpose was to provide a free bus for people to attend the Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform Rally March 7 in Washington, D.C.
Brendan O'Dowd, vice president of the Monroe AOH, said the opportunity to lobby members of Congress to pass the Comprehensive Immigration Bill is meaningful for the Irish in Orange County as well as others throughout the nation.
The bus will leave the AOH Hall at 4:45 a.m., arriving in D.C. at 9:45 a.m.
Lobbying begins at 10 a.m. on Capitol Hill. The rally begins at 2 p.m. at the Holiday Inn where the AOH will be registered and many congressional leaders from both sides of the aisle will attend.
"We are not looking for an amnesty but rather an earned path to citizenship for these people who over the past five, 10 and in some cases 20 years have lived, worked and made their lives here, just as millions of Irish did before them," said Jack Meehan, national president of the AOH.
For information, call O'Dowd at 551-0563 or e-mail knoc...@yahoo.com.
In December 2004, shortly after the re-election of George W Bush, former rival John McCain visited Trinity College Dublin to become an honorary patron of the Philosophical Society. At a question and answer session in the Edmund Burke Theatre, the senior senator from Arizona was repeatedly invited to assure the predominantly liberal audience that he really was one of them. For the best part of an hour, students urged him to denounce the Bush administration, US foreign policy in general and the Iraq war in particular.
Smilingly, McCain rebuffed them all. He was, he assured them patiently, ''a strong conservative'' who not only supported the war, but thought that far more American troops should be
sent to Iraq.
Far from alienating his interrogators, however, these answers only appeared to increase their enthusiasm. McCain left the stage to wild applause, ringing cheers and heartfelt exhortations to run for president again in 2008.
It was a remarkable performance that illustrated the man's most important asset: even people who disagree with his policies find it hard not to like and admire him. In an era when American voters are said to be either red or blue and no colour in between, this frail but pugnacious sexagenarian straddles the divide like no other politician. It's a quality that many pundits believe is destined to take him all the way to the White House.
To get an idea of how McCain wants to be perceived, you only have to look at the titles of his books: Character is Destiny, Why Courage Matters, American Maverick. He presents himself as somehow more authentic than other presidential candidates,
an independent reformer who's prepared to take on the reactionaries in his own party.
Last week, he launched his campaign by calling Donald Rumsfeld ''one of the worst defence secretaries in history'' and lamented the ''excessive influence'' wielded over Bush by vice-president Dick Cheney.
McCain's traumatic personal history gives him the credibility to argue that life is about more than just grabbing what you can for yourself - it's also about sacrifice.
He says he intends to use the presidency as a 'bully- pulpit', just as his great hero, Theodore Roosevelt, did a century ago. He doesn't just offer voters a better society, he invites them to pitch in and create one.
The race for the White House has begun, with McCain far ahead of all Republican rivals except Rudolph Giuliani, who may well have too much personal baggage to sustain a campaign that will last the best part of two years. In hypothetical
match-ups with Democrats, he runs neck and neck with both Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama.
In other words, McCain has as good a chance as anyone of being the next president of the United States. When asked why he should be elected, he replies: ''I believe my life has prepared me with the experience and knowledge and vision to lead this country in very difficult times."
The reality, however, is that, like George W Bush before him, nothing about his early years suggested that he was destined for greatness.
Fighting is in McCain's blood. His grandfather served as a four-star admiral during the Second World War and was present at the Japanese surrender aboard the USS Missouri in 1945. His father continued the military tradition by becoming the overall commander of US troops in the Pacific during the Vietnam War.
McCain was born in a naval hospital in the Panama Canal Zone and educated in a military academy.
Despite his heritage, however, he was a poor student and only managed to finish 894th out of a class of 899. His yearbook entry noted that he was ''a sturdy conversationalist and party man''.
During his early years, McCain admits, he was a terrible disappointment to his family. He developed a reputation for boozing, brawling and serial dating, including a stripper nicknamed the 'Flame of Florida'.
As a naval aviator, he regularly courted danger, surviving two crashes and a flight deck fire that claimed the lives of 134 men.
The defining episode in McCain's life began in October 1967, when his plane was shot down during a bombing raid over Hanoi. Even Americans with only a passing interest in politics know what happened next.
McCain landed in a lake, broke both arms and one leg, and was beaten to the brink of death by an angry Vietnamese mob. Among other injuries, he was bayoneted in the groin and had
his shoulder smashed apart by a rifle. He was then taken to the infamous Hoa Lo prison (the 'Hanoi Hilton' of movie fame), where his fractures were set without painkiller.
When his captors discovered who his father was, they offered to release him as a publicity coup. Incredibly, McCain refused to leave, on the grounds that the military's code of honour demanded that prisoners be returned in the order in which they were captured. Even after the guards broke his ribs and knocked his teeth out, he continued to tell them where to go in words of one syllable.
And so he endured another four and a half years, where he was beaten, interrogated and subjected to various forms of torture. Most of his time was spent alone in a dark box, able to communicate with other Americans only by tapping a code on the walls.
By the time he was released in 1973, McCain was a changed man. Although he was greeted as a hero and lauded by
the then president Richard Nixon, he was curiously ashamed of the whole experience and admits that he regularly contemplated suicide. He struggled to recover from his injuries and, to this day, cannot raise his hands above his head.
His first wife, Carol, had not seen him for six years, and had herself been traumatised by a terrible car accident.
McCain embarked on a series of affairs, the last one with Cindy Hensley, the daughter of an Arizona beer baron (originally a Hennessy of Irish stock). They were married a year later, one month after he divorced Carol.
McCain's wealthy and well-connected new father-in-law offered a gateway into Arizona's business and political elite. At first he toyed with a career working in PR, but soon the political world opened up in the form of a vacant congressional seat.
McCain won it and became a congressman in 1982, quickly earning the nickname 'the White Tornado'
(another effect of his ordeal in Vietnam was that his hair greyed prematurely).
In 1986, he won the Senate seat left vacant by the iconic conservative Barry Goldwater and entered the more prestigious world of America's upper house. It is also the traditional waiting room for a presidential bid.
As McCain himself jokes: ''If you're a United States senator, unless you're under investigation or in detox, you're automatically considered a candidate for president."
When he finally got around to running in 2000, he began as just one of several minnows against the establishment candidate George W Bush. Gradually, however, McCain's unorthodox campaigning propelled him to the front of the pack.
He travelled on a bus called the Straight Talk Express, where he delighted reporters by freely chatting to them about anything they wanted. When he visited towns, he usually gave a ten-minute talk and then announced he
would stay until he answered every question that anyone had.
McCain won a stunning victory in the New Hampshire primary and appeared to have real momentum behind him.
In South Carolina, however, he became the victim of a dirty tricks campaign masterminded by Bush's political strategist, Karl Rove. Rumours were spread that he was mentally unstable or had fathered an illegitimate black child (one of his daughters was adopted from a Mother Teresa-run orphanage in Bangladesh).
McCain lost the nomination and retreated to the Senate, but made it very clear that his presidential ambitions were very much alive. Despite their differences, he campaigned for Bush's re-election in 2004 and firmly refused all invitations to switch parties and become John Kerry's running mate.
As Bush's second term descends into scandal, McCain has skilfully used issues such as Abu Ghraib and Hurricane Katrina to boost his own
popularity.
Within the US entertainment industry, he is widely regarded as the Republican who it's okay to like. He has hosted Saturday Night Live and makes regular appearances on the Daily Show with Jon Stewart, a news-based comedy programme that specialises in conservative-bashing humour.
He made a brief appearance in the TV drama 24, describing himself as ''a Jack Bauer kind of guy - like me, he's always getting captured''.
On other occasions, his loose tongue has got him into trouble. He has often used the racial slur ''gook'' to describe the Vietnamese, once admitting that ''I'll hate those bastards for as long as I live''.
On another occasion, he offended families affected by mental health when he quipped: ''The nice thing about Alzheimer's is you get to hide your own Easter eggs."
McCain faces two main barriers to the presidency: one ideological, the other personal. Despite his best
efforts, many conservatives within the Republican party simply don't trust him, unable to forget that he voted against Bush's tax cuts and championed campaign finance reform.
His other problem is more fundamental. McCain will be 72 on inauguration day in 2009, which would make him the oldest president ever elected for the first time (Ronald Reagan was 73 when re-elected in 1984). Although he remains an extraordinarily dynamic figure for his age, a scar on the left side of his face serves as a reminder that he might have died from skin cancer five years ago, had a melanoma not been spotted in time.
Like Reagan before him, McCain has attempted to disarm the issue with humour by admitting: ''I'm as old as dirt and have more scars than Frankenstein."
Privately, however, he must know that any stumble on the campaign trail will be used by his opponents to suggest that he is physically not up to the job. Already, he
has been upset by footage from this year's State of the Union address. It appeared to show him asleep, though he protested that he was merely looking down at the text of the president's speech.
What sort of president would McCain be? His bipartisan image disguises the fact that he is by far the most hawkish of the major candidates. He says that Bush's ''surge'' of troops into Iraq doesn't go nearly far enough, and has spoken openly about the possibility of bombing Iran and North Korea.
Critics claim that he has appeared listless in recent interviews and that the free-wheeling jokiness of his 2000 campaign has gone.
McCain admits he sometimes finds campaigning boring, saying recently: ''I feel like Zsa Zsa Gabor's fifth husband, who said on their wedding night: 'I know what to do, I just don't know how to make it interesting.'" For now, the only certainty is that the Straight Talk Express is back on
the road. Only time will tell whether or not its ultimate destination is 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
A police officer and a firefighter attending a road collision today were themselves killed when they were struck by a car.
By:Press Association
The families of the married men were left devastated and the rural Co Limerick community they served plunged into grief.
Garda Brian Kelleher (46) and firefighter Michael Liston (47) died when a car ploughed into the scene of an accident they were responding to on the coast road between Askeaton and Foynes.
They were called to single vehicle crash, in which no-one was seriously injured, on the main Limerick to Listowel N69 route
at around 4.30am this morning.
About 15 minutes later, as they were trying to clear the road, a car coming from the Foynes direction hit the pair.
Sergeant Vincent McCoy, of nearby Askeaton Garda Station, said the exact circumstances of the incident were yet to be established in a major investigation.
He said officers were in shock at the sudden loss of their colleague, a father of three young children, originally from Mallow, Co Cork.
"We can`t take it in at the moment. He will be a sore loss to us, but more so to his young family," he said.
Garda Kelleher, who was stationed at Croom, was a popular and well-liked member of the force, said Supt McCoy.
"He was very dedicated and extremely hard working," he said.
"We are all in extreme shock, to say the least.
"We get called out to these scenes every day and you almost become immune to it, but when it`s one of your colleagues, the members
are extremely shocked by it."
An 18-year-old male motorist was arrested at the scene on suspicion of drink driving.
He was later released without charge from Henry Street Garda Station in Limerick City. A full investigation file is being prepared for the Director of Public Prosecutions.
Tanaiste and Justice Minister Michael McDowell contacted the Garda Commissioner Noel Conroy to offer his and the government`s condolences to the bereaved family of the Garda officer.
"This tragic event, the loss of life of two emergency workers, is a stark reminder of the risks which people who work for An Garda Siochana and other emergency services take day in, day out, in seeking to promote public safety and to protect life," he said.
Supt McCoy said there was a rise in the number of emergency service workers being injured or killed during their work.
"It`s becoming more and more of a problem," he said.
The
road was closed for a time between Askeaton and Foynes while the scene of the collision was sealed off for technical examination.
Gardai at Askeaton appealed for witnesses to the incident to get in touch.
(MIDDLESEX COUNTY) -- Middlesex County Cultural and Heritage Commission and the Folklife Program for New Jersey welcome the return of musician and vocalist Mick Moloney for the 13th year, at 7 pm on Wednesday, March 7, 2007, at the Princeton Alliance Center, located at the crossroads of Scudders Mill Road and Schalks Crossing in Plainsboro. He will be joined by Robbie O'Connell, vocals and guitar; Dana Lyn, fiddle; Tim Collins, concertina; and Niall O'Leary, step dancing, for a truly lively and spirited evening of soul-rousing music, droll stories and spirited dance.
As a young man in
Ireland, Mick Moloney was exposed to the Irish folk music traditions that were played by legendary master musicians. He learned to play the traditional instruments and music from the Irish countryside - music that was passed down from generation to generation. Today he performs the folk music and songs from the 18th and 19th centuries that deal with themes such as the great famine, emigration to America, the American Civil War, and the development of Irish and Irish-American music in America.
This free program is funded in part by Middlesex County Cultural and Heritage Commission, Middlesex County Board of Chosen Freeholders, New Jersey State Council on the Arts/Department of State, a Partner Agency of the National Endowment for the Arts, and is presented in association with the Plainsboro Recreation Department & Arts Commission
Combining the careers of arts presenter and advocate, folklorist, and professional
musician, Mick Moloney is an accomplished singer as well as an excellent mandolin and tenor banjo player who possesses a vast storehouse of songs and instrumental pieces from the Irish and Irish-American tradition. Mick Moloney is the author of Far From the Shamrock Shore: The Story of Irish American History Through Song, released by Crown Publications with an accompanying CD. He holds a Ph.D. in folklore and folklife from the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught ethnomusicology, folklore and Irish studies courses at the University of Pennsylvania, Georgetown, and Villanova Universities, and currently teaches at New York University in the Irish Studies program.
He has recorded and produced over forty albums, and has actively participated in the great revival of Irish music in the United States. He has hosted three nationally syndicated series of folk music shows on American Public Television; was a consultant,
performer, and interviewee on Bringing It All Back Home; a participant, consultant and music arranger in the 1994 PBS documentary film Out of Ireland; and a performer on the 1998 PBS special The Irish in America: Long Journey Home. In 1999 he was awarded the National Heritage Award from the National Endowment for the Arts - the highest official honor a traditional artist can receive in the United States.
Mick Moloney: Traditional Irish Music, Song & Dance, is offered free of charge; however, registration is required. If you would like to attend this Folklife program, please contact the Commission, 732.745.4489. Persons with hearing disabilities may call 732.745.3888 (TTY users only), or 711, the New Jersey Relay System. The Princeton Alliance Center is an accessible site. An Assistive Listening System will be in use during the program. An American Sign Language interpreter is available with a two-week
advance request.
The Folklife Program for New Jersey was instituted in 1990 to broaden the appreciation and availability of folk arts, folklore and folklife within Middlesex County; identify and preserve folk traditions expressed by the people of Central New Jersey; provide a forum for the presentation of New Jersey and regional folk artists, recognized by their community for their excellence; and encourage public involvement in the folk arts through educational programming and cross-cultural exchange.
How the Irish claimed their place in the New World.
By Jonathan Yardley Sunday, February 25, 2007; Page BW15
Looking For Jimmy: A Search For Irish
America
(Associated Press) By Peter Quinn Overlook. 283 pp. $26.95
This exceptionally thoughtful and interesting inquiry into Irish America, Peter Quinn writes, "is tentative, subjective and personal." Though it reaches certain broad judgments and conclusions about the Irish American experience, and though it draws heavily on the work of others who have written about that endlessly interesting subject, its primary source is Quinn and his family:
"The views and values it reflects were formed in the Bronx- based religious schools I attended from kindergarten through graduate school. A full account of the Irish in America would include the Protestant Scot-Irish and the many Catholics who settled outside cities. As worthy as their subjects are, they are not part of my tale. The Irish America of my search is the one into which I was born -- a cohesive urban Catholic community constructed from a peasantry
fragmented, transplanted, transformed and defined by the Great Famine and its consequences."
The city and the famine: These are the central themes of Quinn's study. Carefully argued and handsomely written -- though marred by infrequent and inexplicable grammatical lapses -- Looking for Jimmy is more a meditation than a history, and thus does not displace William V. Shannon's invaluable The American Irish: A Political and Social Portrait (1964), which remains a standard reference. But lapses notwithstanding, Quinn is a better writer than Shannon, and he digs deeper.
Quinn is a novelist and speechwriter -- for two governors of New York, Hugh Carey and Mario Cuomo, and for big cheeses at Time Warner -- who "was born in 1947, in Greenport, on the northeast end of Long Island, exactly a century after my first Paddy ancestor set foot in America." His father and namesake had just been defeated for reelection as Democratic
congressman from the Bronx, and the family was vacationing when Peter and his twin brother were born. The family got back to the city as soon as possible, and Quinn has lived there for most of the ensuing six decades. He is an urbanite to the core, and a proud Irish American one.
"If there is any central theme in the story of the Irish in America," he writes, "it is . . . how they stayed Irish: how an immigrant group already under punishing cultural and economic pressures, reeling in the wake of the worst catastrophe in western Europe in the nineteenth century, and plunged into the fastest industrializing society in the world, regrouped as quickly as it did; built its own far- flung network of charitable and educational institutions; preserved its own identity; and had a profound influence on the future of both the country it left and the one it came to."
Today the Irish are so thoroughly assimilated into
the larger American society that it is difficult for anyone to remember how harshly and unforgivingly they were greeted as they arrived in the great wave that began in the mid-1840s and lasted for a decade, but white America equated them with blacks and stereotyped them accordingly as "childlike buffoons, lazy, superstitious, given to doubletalk, inflated rhetoric, and comic misuse of proper English."
For African Americans and the Irish alike, "the stereotype became so ingrained in popular attitudes and perceptions that it passed from being regarded as a theatrical parody to a predeterminant of group behavior." Blacks were called Sambo, while Irish were stereotyped as Paddy. Gradually, though, Paddy evolved into what Quinn calls Jimmy, a blend of New York's flamboyant Mayor Jimmy Walker and Jimmy Cagney, "the actor-hoofer with the looks of a prize-fighter lucky enough never to have had his face smashed in."
Jimmy "expressed the style of the urban Irish in its definitive form. These Jimmies had the blend of musicality and menace, of nattiness and charm, of verbal agility and ironic sensibility, of what today is known as 'street smarts,' that the Irish, as New York's first immigrant outsiders, had developed."
They achieved this after overcoming circumstances so dire as to defy description or comprehension. On the subject of the famine, Quinn again is descriptive rather than definitive -- the latter distinction belongs to Cecil Woodham-Smith's The Great Hunger: The Story of the Potato Famine of the 1840s (1962) -- but he fully evokes the terrible pain and horror it inflicted on millions of people, and he shows how those who fled Ireland for America "began the process of recovering from the shattering experience of the Famine, of unbending from the defensive crouch it had forced them into, of building a new identity in
America that preserved their deep sense of being Irish as it prepared them to compete in a country in which the hostility they faced was interwoven with possibilities for advancement that had never existed before."
White Anglo-Saxons who regarded themselves as "native Americans" gave the newcomers a frosty welcome. In Boston, employers famously posted signs that read: "No Irish Need Apply." Irish women, who outnumbered men, "worked in factories and mills. Irish maids became a fixture of bourgeois American life. Domestic service became so associated with the Irish that maids often were referred to generically as 'Kathleens' or 'Bridgets,' " just as black railroad porters were universally, and equally patronizingly, called "George."
Politics proved to be the key to Irish assimilation, though certainly not in a way of which the Brahmins approved. In New York, Tammany Hall emerged as the great engine of
Irish advancement. Viewed with disgust by Anglos of most classes, but especially by reformers and aristos, Tammany did indeed wallow in corruption, but, more important, it "was about practical things: about jobs, bread, influence; about the neighborhood kid who needed a lawyer; about the fees paid a subcontractor; and about the hundred cases of champagne and two hundred kegs of beer waiting in the basement of the Hall for those who endured five hours of July Fourth speechifying." Tammany was practical, unromantic and effective; Quinn correctly concludes that "for all its excesses, for all its thievery and knavery, Tammany afforded the poor what the rich and well-off had denied them throughout history: respect."
The other institution that gave aid, comfort and support to the Irish was the Catholic Church. Quinn, who was raised a Catholic, went through a brief period of collegiate apostasy and then returned to the fold,
laments what has happened to the church and the priesthood after "the prolonged season of ugly revelations of sexual misconduct" but does not let that cloud his memory of the church in which he was reared: "The environment was sexually puritanical, ritually demanding, and often stultifying. It was also intensely comforting and secure, liturgically rich, a culture of moral absolutes, theological certainties, and religious devotions in which the answers to all life's questions were readily at hand." Quinn offers a surprisingly revisionist view of Cardinal Spellman, whose early and faithful support for civil rights he emphasizes more strongly than the cardinal's fondness for political meddling and his rigid approach to some moral issues.
In America, the Irish elevated the church "from an ingredient in Irish life to its center, the bulwark of a culture that had lost its language and almost disintegrated beneath the
catastrophe of the Famine." The Irish "translated their numbers into control of the Democratic party in the major cities and turned municipal patronage into an immediate and pragmatic method for softening the ravages of boom-and-bust capitalism." They were "prime participants in the often intertwined professions of politics, entertainment, sports (along with its less reputable sister, gambling), as well as a major part of the local criminal underworld (which was not infrequently an ally of the local political machine)."
Like African Americans, Irish Americans have made contributions of incalculable dimensions to American society and culture. They changed and enriched the language, gave us our greatest playwright (Eugene O'Neill), some of our finest writers (Flannery O'Connor, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Alice McDermott, William Kennedy) and our greatest movie director, John Ford, one of the "master interpreters of the
[American] dream." Now they have given us, in this fine book, a way to help us understand them, and thus ourselves. ?