1940-1965
Neo-orthodox realism and the biblical theology movement, pervasive in the period between 1940 and 1960, sought to bridge the gap through an embrace of the reformed tradition in a manner that incorporated the major precepts of critical liberal scholarship. Much exciting work in theology and biblical studies emerged in this mid-century period both in Europe and the United States that re-legitimized the biblical notion of God’s transcendence in a manner which, in principle, could be reconciled with higher biblical criticism. The neo-orthodox/biblical theology movement revival played a major role in deconstructing the dominance of theological liberalism claiming adherence at the seminary and denominational level, which also had impact in the broader religious culture of the nation. Notwithstanding this mediating resurgence, the forces unleashed in the early 20th century which fueled the modernist/ fundamentalist divide were still in operation, which needed but little impetus to break out into open conflagration. The twin forces of neo-orthodoxy and the biblical theology movement carried some promise of modulating the tensions within mid-century Protestantism though the uneasy alliance between critical biblical scholarship and theological orthodoxy was a tenuous one that did not hold beyond the early 1960s.
The great divide was held in bay to some degree in this “consensus” period of U.S. history (Hofstadter; Hartz). Yet, the enduring fissures between biblicalism and modernism re-exploded in the latter decades of the 20th century, the result of which fundamental issues on the nature of Christian faith within the context of the modern world have remained in a highly contentious stage. A critical factor in the breakdown of any budding neo-orthodox synthesis was the emergence of a highly indistinctive civil religion within the mainline in the early post-World War II period. This muted “civil” theology stood in stark juxtaposition to a rigorous biblicalism in the increasing merger of certain strands of fundamentalism and evangelicalism at the theological level, as reflected in the formation of the formation of Fuller Seminary in 1947 (Marsden, 1987), and the Billy Graham crusades of the 1950s. With this re-polarization, the theological insights of the neo-orthodox theologians became viewed with increasing irrelevance in the Protestant mainline (Hershberg, Bellah), while Barth’s interpretation of biblical narratives as “sagas” and Niehbuhr’s reconstruction of biblical orthodoxy as “myth” were rejected by a broad swathe scholarly evangelicals, which brooked no compromise with biblical inerrancy.
It was during this period that the United Church of Christ formed through a merger between the Evangelical and Reformed Church and the Congregational Christian Churches in 1957. Notwithstanding formal acceptance of the foundational grounding in the Protestant Reformation, the newly created denomination largely followed its congregational wing in the modernistic gravitation while muting any sharply-defined theological clarity reflective of the reformed tradition. This was reinforced by a polity of local decision-making and an increasing focus on the inviolable sanctity of individual conscience, all of which melded with a civil religious ethos that further clouded prospects of theological precision within the UCC and more broadly within the mid-century Protestant mainline through the early 1960s.
Prospects of any broad-based conversion within Protestant theology and the healing of the modernist-fundamental divide were shattered by directions taken on both sides of the great divide from the 1960s to the present. Mainline theology was infused by a broad stream of fresh thinking influenced in various ways by, but extending well beyond Harvey Cox’s (1965) The Secular City in which the ethos of modern urbanity became the context in which Christianity, if it were to have force in the modern world, would have to find its voice. More radical were the writings of the “death of God” theologians who argued that the traditional notion of a supernatural, transcendent God was no longer a viable concept at least for the residents of the secular city. Any rebirth of Christianity could only emerge through an embrace of the faith’s core symbol, the cross, in the death of traditional religious categories through which the spirit (or at least the “essence”) of Christ could re-emerge, but only within the context of secular experience, in which any notion of “God talk” was dismissed as irrelevant and obscurantist to its core. This, of course, was roundly repudiated by fundamentalists and evangelicals who rejected the entire thrust of the secularization argument.
While the death of God movement did not have a large following even within the mainline denominations, it represented the culmination of a half-century of existential theology extending from Rudolph Bultmann, Paul Tillich, and certain tendencies within Dietrich Bonhoeffer, although the latter remained an avowed theist through the course of his short and heroic life. As a major proponent of “process theology” Langdon Gilkey integrated both existentialism and neo-orthodoxy in his search for the articulation of God’s immanence within the very fabric of “secular” history (Dorrien, 1997). The searching and living out of this ineffable presence was viewed as the fundamental basis for any reconstruction of theological, biblical and church language in which the latter, based on traditional notions of the three story God (Robinson), impeded rather than facilitated the emergence of the spirit in the modern period.
Notwithstanding its secularist appeal, the rarefied terminology of death of God and process theologians was mostly too esoteric for direct appropriation in the mainline denominations. Through seminary training these influences invariably played into the religious formation of the clergy, who would generally find it exceedingly difficult to translate such insights, to the extent that they shared them, into inspiring pulpit sermons that spoke of a new theology of practice in the secular city. Given the theological abstruseness of such work, to say nothing of the radical nature of their implications for traditional understanding of the Christian faith, one might assume that the gap between the seminary and the pew more often than not led to clerical avoidance rather than embrace of the hard work of rigorous theological clarity as a critical basis for adult religious formation.
One result was that mainline congregants typically lacked substantial reasons at the level of cognition for their belief even though rigorous thinking in the professional life of the middle class required a direct analysis of facts and operative constructs at the level of where it counted in practical application (Drucker, 1954/1986). Thus a dichotomous view of the relationship between the church and the world was all too characteristic of mainline experience in which neither the implications of existential nor traditional-based theologies held full force. Particularly for adult male members of the mid-1960s, of mainline denominations, a widening experiential gap between the reality-based perception of the world of work and the “Sunday” experience of church could not be papered over by building projects and stewardship campaigns.
These various modes of existentialist theology spoke to broad currents in post-1960 mainline religious culture. While certain key phrases about the need for “relevance” were appropriated into congregational life, little systematic work was accomplished in integrating these schools of theology within the context of the institutional life of the church. A more dynamic relationship between the seminary and the pew emerged in the 1970s in an appropriation of the “identity politics” of black and feminist theologies. This was a double-edged sword. Those who embraced these more recent streams of religious thought were better able to translate theology into practical action than the advocates of the death of God and process theology. Yet, this came only at the price of very sharp conflict between the advocates of the new political theologies and others of more modest inclination who remained less convinced, as well as among the more skeptical and overtly critical even within the mainline denominations.
Thus, as the 1970s began, the broad-based consensus of the early cold war era, fueled by radically conflicting stances on the Vietnamese War, gave way to a polarizing tendency in U.S. culture between conservative and progressive forces. These countervailing world views had sharply-defined gender, race, class, and theological components, which melded into conflicting ideological constructions, symbolized most fully in competing perspectives on interpretations of the “countercultural” decade of the 1960s. While the following discussion focuses on the two central issues of race and gender, the broad themes that have given shape to theological liberalism from the late 19th century are subsumed and radicalized in these two critical areas.
----- Original Message -----From: Willis/Loree ElliottSent: Thursday, April 06, 2006 9:34 AMSubject: Re: mid-century efforts at theological mediation
----- Original Message -----From: gdeme...@msn.comSent: Friday, April 07, 2006 7:19 AMSubject: Re: mid-century efforts at theological mediation
Thank you Willis for your recommendations. On Carl Henry I have George Marsden's book on Fuller, which provides a good description of evangelical-fundamentalist tensions during that period, which will be helpful and also a fine book by Garry Dorrien, the liberal Christian historian, on evangelicalism. Marsden and Dorrien together provide an excellent overview of late 19th & 20th century US Protestantism, which I need to better absorb not only for this chapter, but for the book. I'll also have to look at McKinney, who had been at Hartford Seminary, as you recommend and spell out some of the threads with more concrete description....
Dear George, What a great project. Such an overview will be helpful for all of us who try to understand where we are and how we got here. Hope you can clean your plate and get on with the project. Peace, Herb
From:
Dr. Elliott,
I'm very curious to know how (aside from God's preserving grace) you
maintained your evangelical beliefs while earning the PhD from U.
Chicago.
Sincerely,
Brett Becker